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Taiwan arms request, a test for Bush
By F.J. Khergamvala
TOKYO, JAN. 9. The incoming Bush administration should soon
receive a shopping list of weapons systems from Taiwan. For
Taiwan's Generals, the response from Washington DC would provide
a test of the island's politicians' claim that a Republican
administration, backed by a Republican House of Representatives
in the U.S. would be more sympathetic to Taiwan's security
concerns than the outgoing Clinton administration.
This time every year, almost without exception, Taiwan seeks
Congressional and public relations support for its arms
purchases, by leaking information to the media in the U.S. and at
home. Taiwan and the U.S. hold arms sales talks every year in
April. The New York Times reported on Monday from Shanghai that
on Taiwan's wish list are four Kidd- class guided missile
destroyers. If obtained, the four weapons platforms worth some
$600 million without special fitments, would be the most
sophisticated in the Taiwanese Navy, which had last year sought
the more advanced Arleigh-Burke class ships to counter the recent
acquisitions of two Russian built Sovremenny class destroyers and
Kilo-class submarines by China.
Taiwan is also likely to be looking to buy anti- submarine
aircraft, airborne early warning systems and off-the- shelf older
vintage submarines. The list could become public once the
Pentagon submits its recommendations to the U.S. Congress. Last
year the U.S. justified its refusal to sell the four Aegis
equipped guided-missile Arleigh-Burke destroyers at $1.5 billion
each because, ostensibly, they were too sophisticated for Taiwan
to operate.
Overall, it has been long-standing U.S. policy to maintain a
posture of ``strategic ambiguity.'' This policy seeks to both
deter China from using military means to possess Taiwan and also
discourage Taiwan from believing that U.S. support would go so
far as to encourage a proclamation of independence. Beijing's
objection to arms supplies to Taiwan rests on the plea that such
sales encourage Taiwan's resistance to a dialogue on peaceful
unification.
The record does suggest Republican administrations being more
supportive of Taiwanese requests than the Democrats. Almost every
analyst cites the example of Mr. George Bush Sr. deciding to end
his one term in the White House by agreeing to sell 150 F-16
fighter aircraft. That was a special case, timed to create more
jobs and target more votes for Mr. Bush and partly to force
Beijing to keep its part of a deal to exile a dissident Chinese
to the U.S., soon after Tiananmen.
Few will highlight the fact that for example, Mr. Ronald Reagan
on whom the Taiwanese placed much faith, was the President who
first committed the U.S., to a gradual scaling down of arms
supplies to Taiwan. Factors more complex than the simple calculus
of a cross straits threat from the mainland intrude into arms
sales decisions.
They include the political pay-offs to U.S. arms producers who
may have funded one or the other candidate, their Congressional
connections, U.S.-China equations and also the Pentagon's
intention to use Taiwan as a shop window to demonstrate hardware
to other potential East Asian clients.
This year the issue acquires added political complexity because
of the controversial National Missile Defence (NMD) or sea based
Theatre Missile Defence (TMD) issues and Mr. George W. Bush's
campaign assurances to go ahead with missile defence.
The 1979 Taiwan Relations Act, which is domestic law and hence
technically more important to the U.S. than the ``three
communiques'' with China, can be cited by the U.S. to confront
any Chinese opposition. It leaves no scope at all for a Chinese
veto.
For example, the 1979 Act, in Section 2, says that the policy of
the U.S. is ``to provide Taiwan with arms of a defensive
character.'' Then, in elaboration, the Act adds, ``the U.S. will
make available to Taiwan such defence articles and defence
services in such quantity as may be necessary to enable Taiwan to
maintain a sufficient self-defence capability.'' Then, it is
explicitly stated that the President and Congress will determine
the nature and quantity of such items ``based solely upon their
judgment'' of the needs of Taiwan.
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