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Economy of leakage & seepage in Asia
By Gilbert Etienne
GO THROUGH the local press in Karachi, Delhi, Jakarta, Peking or
Hanoi, you come across repeated complaints on corruption:
journalists' articles, official reports as well as statements by
senior leaders. The issue is no doubt serious, but one must go
beyond corruption to tackle what I call the economy of leakage
and seepage, a broader concept. It involves three tiers:
misallocation of resources - excessive subsidies, wasteful
expenditures, neglect of most urgent investments in
infrastructure and insufficient operations and maintenance
expenditures. Then come loss of revenue - tax fraud, smuggling,
poor collection of fees and taxes. Finally, corruption proper
including a variety of malpractices. These combined factors
severely curtail public investments and recurring expenditures
needed for economic tasks across most of Asia.
Let us quote some rough estimates, all from local sources. For
China, smuggling $ 18 billion (1998), unpaid taxes on
construction projects $ 2 billion (1997), diversion of funds from
grain departments to ``illegal actions'' $ 6.7 billion (1992-
1998), illegal electrical connections $ 804 million (1993),
cumulative non-performing loans to state-owned enterprises $ 120
billion to $ 200 billion, illegal gains and smuggling by Hebei
province officials $ 3.6 billion, cumulative (2000).
For India, non-recovery of telephone bills $ 750 millions (1995),
subsidies often of questionable social value equivalent to 15 per
cent of GNP (1997) including losses of $ 3 billion by the Food
Corporation of India (1999), illegal assets abroad $ 40 billion,
default loans by state enterprises $ 11 billion (1996), 20 per
cent of electricity lost in pilfering and the same through losses
in transmission and distribution, tax evasion about $ 30 billion
a year.
For Pakistan, smuggling, tax evasion, default loans to the banks,
each $ 3 billion. Power theft 35 per cent in the Karachi Electric
Supply Corporation with 4,50,000 illegal connections, size of the
black economy $ 30 billions to $ 40 billions. For Bangladesh, 40
per cent of electricity produced is not paid for because of non-
payment of bills and illegal connections. Two to three per cent
of the GDP lost every year in corruption and 30 per cent of the
country's development funds lost through various malpractices.
Such weaknesses are no doubt well known in Indonesia and Vietnam
but one hears more complaints on corruption than on other aspects
of leakages.
Some of the most glaring cases of leakage and seepage are found
in infrastructure under a pattern common to the major countries
of South Asia and to a lower extent now in China: lack of
operations and maintenance expenditures, malpractices and weak
management, poor tax collection, pilfering (in the case of
electricity ), so that existing supply suffers from frequent
breakdowns, low voltage, curtailed supply of electricity to
factories and tubewells. In India, the removal of these defects
could improve industrial productivity by 30 per cent. Then come
lack of investments for new power plants, transmission and
distribution. If all goes well, by the end of the 9th Plan (1997-
2002), only 60 per cent of the target for electricity should be
reached, and the original target had already been reduced when
preparing the Plan.
Roads and Railways are no less serious issues. There has been
some progress in China which enjoys by now 12,000 km of
expressways and is modernising its railways. Yet transport
constraints remain severe. As to India, the situation is
particularly bad and one wonders how the contemplated 13,000 km
of new or improved expressways and national highways by 2007 will
be financed.
The losses given above are pretty high and far from exhaustive.
How long will they be sustained? In the early 1990s, all over
Asia there were great hopes that FDI (Foreign Direct Investments)
could compensate part of the lack of public finance, particularly
in toll roads and power plants built under the formulas BOT
(Built Operate Transfer) or BOO (Built Operate Own). Today it is
clear, again all over Asia, that multinationals, including
international private banks are not tempted by such operations.
They are very risky and involve very large amounts of capital,
not to say anything about delays and administration hurdles as in
India and elsewhere. In other words, hundreds of billions of
dollars have to come from public exchequers. The same can be said
about enormous needs in agriculture, environment protection,
education and health. Now, as is well known, more in South Asia
than in China, where the economy has reached a substantially
higher level, productive public expenditures are too low, while
fiscal deficit is already too high due to rising non-development
expenditures. To curb leakage and seepage has thus become a most
crucial issue.
It has become fashionable in Western countries, Japan, the World
Bank and the IMF to preach ``good governance''to the Third World.
When one hears about corruption and leakage in rich countries,
this type of sermonising is not particularly called for! First of
all, it is not uncommon that such malpractices involve partners
of Asian or African countries. At last there is a move to tighten
the screw following the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act enacted in
the U.S. in 1977. The OECD has taken welcome initiatives and a
number of European countries such as France, Germany and
Switzerland are no more accepting that ``bakshish'' can be
deducted from companies' taxes, but there is still a fairly long
way to go.
Second, even if corruption and leakage are less widespread in
rich countries, there are a number of dubious affairs or
malpractices going on. In 1999, in France 30 ex-Ministers, over
100 former or present MPs and a quarter of past or present heads
of the 40 biggest corporations were ``under formal
investigation'' (The Economist, 5-6-99) and the number has risen
since then.
In fact, leakage should be seen from a practical angle. One of
the major public French banks (Credit Lyonnais now privatised)
lost in the early 1990s about $ 14 billion through mismanagement
and questionable deals. The Cantonal Bank of Geneva lost more
recently $ 1.5 billion. Neither the 5.8-crore French nor the 4-
lakh Genevese have been affected by these losses because they
belong to rich countries which, up to a point, can afford such
losses. It is not the same in Asia. The lack of power or
transport curtails production, reduces the earnings of a company,
affects workers' wages, hinders exports. The farmer standing in
May or June near his tubewell stuck for lack of power sees his
sugarcane turning yellow. Here again, from the peasant to the
trader and the consumer, everyone suffers. In other words, micro
hardships which hit the common man turn into macro hardships at
the national level, from Government revenue to export earnings.
Besides, poor infrastructure in the subcontinent has also a
negative impact on foreign investments. Over invoicing of imports
and under invoicing of exports, a fairly widespread practice in
China, in the subcontinent and probably elsewhere has also an
obvious negative impact on foreign trade.
In most countries, the fight against leakage has gained in
strength. In China, punishments may lead to execution. Yet, such
tough measures give but limited results. In India, the slow pace
of the Judiciary does not help. The impact of leakage and seepage
on the economy and on social welfare should be more clearly
assessed. Could one also imagine ruling elites more committed to
at least reducing the losses ?
(The writer is Professor Emeritus, Institutes of International
Studies & Development Studies, Geneva.)
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