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Is Durban the answer?
Dalit activists hope that raising the issue of caste at the
Durban conference will pressure the Government to implement
protection and affirmative action laws more effectively in favour
of the underprivileged. VIR SINGH writes.
WHEN Madhuri Devi complained about the wife beating going on next
door, people in her north Delhi neighbourhood dismissed it as an
internal family matter. When she went to the local police
station, the officer on duty angrily asked: Why is it your
concern? Who are they to you?
These key questions will come up before the international
community when scores of activists highlight the suffering of
Dalits at a major U.N. conference on racism and other
discrimination which started on August 31 in the South African
port city of Durban.
The Indian government has marshalled mighty arguments as to why
caste discrimination should not be discussed at the event, which
is titled the World Conference on Racism, Racial Discrimination,
Xenophobia and Related Intolerance. Chief among these is the
contention that this problem is an internal matter.
Dalit activists ridicule this position, saying this is akin to
the case made by the former rulers of South Africa just a decade
ago to shield apartheid from outside scrutiny. India rightly
rejected this argument, loudly declaring that the mistreatment of
black Africans is a global concern. So how can New Delhi use the
selfsame strategy to block wider discussion of a problem that
affects tens of millions of Indian citizens every single day?
Well, the short answer is that it can and it will. India has more
than enough diplomatic clout to ensure that references to
discrimination based on "descent" - the compromise term for caste
that human rights activists have injected into U.N. documents -
are kept to a bare minimum in the Durban conference declaration
and action plan. Most Dalit activists know this. The more
compelling story, however, is about what they have already
achieved.
The beginnings of a global Dalit movement have been traced back
to the mid-1970s (see Gail Omvedt's article, The Hindu, April
2001). The last five-odd years have seen this process gathering
momentum. In 1996, the U.N. Committee for the Elimination of
Racial Discrimination accepted the contention of human rights
lawyers that its responsibilities include monitoring
discrimination based on descent. (This makes it mandatory for all
governments to file progress reports on actions taken to halt
such discrimination). Two years later, activists from across
India came together under the banner of the National Campaign for
Dalit Human Rights. Last year, New York-based Human Rights Watch
presented its highest award to Martin Macwan, a lawyer and Dalit
activist from Ahmedabad.
The Durban conference "is a sort of organising event," says Maja
Daruwala, director of the Commonwealth Human Rights Intiative.
"There's been a lot of solidarity, and a lot of churning, a lot
of movement. (Dalit groups) are coming together and their demands
are being amplified."
To the charge from some quarters that highlighting abuses against
Dalits gives India a bad name in the eyes of the world and is
therefore an anti-national activity, Daruwala responds: "It is
anti-national to continue with caste discrimination in this
country... It is like saying to a woman that she is against
family life because she is beaten at home, but she musn't speak
about it outside. You don't blame the victim for making a noise."
It is a powerful analogy and, for some Dalit activists, one that
offers hope. Years of campaigning for women's rights, especially
at the international level, finally got governments to start
doing something to prevent abuses such as wife beating.
Similarly, Ashok Bharti of the Centre for Alternative Dalit Media
hopes that a frank discussion of caste discrimination at Durban
will "bring the issue in focus" once again and pressure the
Indian government to implement protection and affirmative action
laws.
"Those issues have been purposely kept away from the
international forum," he says. "And this time when it is going to
be discussed, the government of India and the nation as a whole
is responsible to the whole world community."
"Our faith has been broken," adds P.L. Mimroth, a lawyer working
with Dalit victims. "That's why we're going to the conference."
He says that despite special laws guaranteeing compensation to
members of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes who face
atrocities, the government has fulfilled its responsibilities in
only a handful of cases.
The caste debate is just one of the controversies dogging the
Durban conference. After two years of preparatory meetings,
governments are still deeply divided over the wording of a
political statement and a comprehensive action plan to address
racism and related problems.
The United States has repeatedly threatened to pull out if
references against Israel are not removed. A group of mostly
Islamic nations wants the conference documents to equate Zionism
with racism, saying this accurately describes Israel's treatment
of Palestinians. Washington boycotted two earlier U.N. racism
meetings, in 1978 and 1983, because of similar disputes involving
Israel, a staunch U.S. ally.
The issue of compensation to countries, mostly in Africa, that
still suffer from the effects of slavery, presents an even
greater challenge for governments trying to hammer out a common
agenda at Durban. The European Union led by Great Britain has
joined the United States in opposing any mention of
"compensation" for the formerly enslaved countries.
"This is a world conference that quite a number of governments
would have preferred didn't happen," says Mary Robinson, U.N.
High Commissioner for Human Rights and chief organiser of the
Durban conference. "That's why as far as I am concerned this is a
victims' conference," she said in an interview to the Ford
Foundation Report. "It has to speak for and listen to the voices
of those who are marginalised, excluded, discriminated against
and put down because of their color or their background."
The politically charged atmosphere of the conference has even
seasoned U.N. monitors worried. "I have great concerns about
what's going to come out of it," says Michael Colson, director of
Geneva-based U.N. Watch. One problem is that governments have,
according to Colson, failed to "de-politicise the debate on human
rights." The other is that the U.N. meeting has become less
focussed over time, so that "it's an open question now as to how
wide the conference agenda is."
The author is an independent journalist.
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