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THE FORMAL AGREEMENT between the armies of India and Pakistan to observe a ceasefire along the Line of Control, the Actual Ground Position Line in the Siachen Glacier and a segment of the international border is a positive development in itself. That it creates the potential for a qualitative improvement of relations between the two countries adds to its value. In unilaterally proposing a ceasefire along the LoC, Pakistan signalled that it would refrain from providing covering fire to militants as they try to infiltrate into Jammu and Kashmir. Islamabad has not categorically promised that it will proactively block infiltrators. However, transgression of the LoC will decline considerably if it is unsupported by the Pakistan army. For its part, India has pledged that it will not direct fire at Pakistani military posts even while it uses force against militants attempting to cross over. The agreement became feasible after Pakistan dropped the condition attached to a similar offer, articulated by President Pervez Musharraf a few weeks ago, that India should wind down its operations against militants inside the Valley. Quite surprisingly, Islamabad did not back off from the proposal even after India suggested that the ceasefire be extended to the Siachen area as well. This represents a significant shift from Islamabad's longstanding position that it was entitled forcibly to eject Indian troops from the glacier as they occupied the area in violation of previous pacts. The process of re-engagement received a further boost with Pakistan deciding to re-examine the Indian proposal for a bus service between Srinagar and Muzaffarabad. While clarifications are awaited, it would appear that Pakistan has moved at least a little from its initial position that the United Nations must issue documents to passengers on this route and man the crossing points on the LoC. The Government of Pakistan had been criticised by the media and public in that country for its unimaginative response to a humanitarian proposal for enhancing contacts between people living on either side of the LoC. Islamabad has now offered to host talks on the modalities and other related matters to explore the feasibility of this proposal. It also appears ready to set aside its reservation on Indian proposals for the revival of a ferry service between Mumbai and Karachi and for the reopening of a road or rail link between Sindh and Rajasthan. Apparently, Islamabad no longer insists that these proposals should be taken up in the course of a revived composite dialogue. A desire to make a success of the SAARC summit in January 2004 might have contributed to the softening of Pakistan's stand on these issues. If this is part of the motivation, there is nothing wrong with it. The summit will be a non-starter if Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee does not attend. While the incentives recently provided should reinforce the decision that Mr. Vajpayee has taken to attend the summit, India must resist the temptation to rush into a bilateral dialogue on the sidelines. A bilateral meeting without adequate preparation is likely to be counter-productive. It will also divert attention from many serious regional issues. It is possible that Pakistan's positive attitude is shaped by more than the need to make the summit a success. Islamabad's friends have repeatedly advised it to restrain sectarian outfits and work for a reconciliation with India on a sound basis. Several sectarian outfits, including two offshoots of the Jaish-e-Mohammad and a branch of the Lashkar-e-Taiba, were recently proscribed. This does not amount to a firm enough indication that Pakistan has decided to stop backing militancy in Kashmir. However, the terms of the ceasefire offer hope for the future, assuming the pact will have a life beyond the winter when infiltration across the LoC is always at a minimum.
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