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Refocussing on peace

AN INFORMAL AGREEMENT drafted by Israeli and Palestinian private citizens cannot end a conflict that has raged for over half a century. However, in combination with several other developments, the accord has pushed all parties concerned to re-examine their preoccupation with the ongoing violence. It has come as a timely reminder that constructive solutions to the underlying issues have been formulated over the years and they must now be availed of. The Geneva Accord, as it is called, does not break new ground but only consolidates and clarifies all the points on which the two parties could reach tentative agreement in the many negotiations conducted since 1991. It provides for the creation of a Palestinian state alongside Israel and the restoration of the border that existed till the 1967 war, with some modifications. It proposes that settlements adjacent to the border should be incorporated into Israel and that the Palestinians should be compensated with land equal in extent and quality to the annexed portion. The remaining settlements along with the infrastructure necessary for their maintenance should be handed over to the Palestinians. Jerusalem should be divided with the Arab populated part of the city reverting to full Palestinian control. While the accord stipulates a demilitarised Palestinian state, it makes provision for a multinational force as a buffer against an Israeli offensive. The accord does not make any mention of the right of Palestinian refugees to return to their former homes in Israel. However, it provides for their resettlement in the Palestinian state and compensation for their loss. It also allows the two parties to share control over religious sites in a just and equitable manner.

While the Palestinian Authority and the United States administration approved the intent and efforts of those who drafted the Geneva Accord, they did not wholeheartedly endorse the final document. An adverse reaction from the inhabitants of refugee camps, who were upset about the non-mention of the right of return, was not the only factor that inhibited Palestinian President Yasser Arafat from endorsing the accord. Mr. Arafat could not agree to the concessions he would have to make when the Israeli Government has not made any reciprocal commitment. Israel's Prime Minister Ariel Sharon rejected the accord outright and accused compatriots who participated in the drafting exercise of undermining the Government and its policy. The unravelling of disastrous Iraq policy appears to have forced the U.S. administration to change its approach of paying lip service to the "road map for peace" while refusing to criticise Israeli transgressions. Secretary of State Colin Powell pointedly snubbed the Sharon Government by refusing to heed its plea that he should not meet with the architects of the accord.

Other developments have eroded the Sharon Government's claim that it has the mandate to pursue a harsh policy towards the Palestinians. The current commander of the Israeli military and four former chiefs of its internal security organisation have openly criticised an oppressive policy that drives more Palestinian youth to the ranks of the extremists. A signature campaign in support of another draft agreement similar to the accord has begun to gather momentum on both sides of the divide. Palestinian extremist organisations have not carried out a major attack for over two months despite Israeli provocations. They are currently meeting in Cairo with Prime Minister Ahmed Qurei and Egyptian facilitators to hammer out the details of a ceasefire they are prepared to observe. With the Palestinians indicating their interest in a truce and the U.S. and key components of the Israeli security establishment urging a change in approach, Mr. Sharon is under pressure to mend his ways.

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