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News Analysis
By Syed Shahabuddin
Dr. Subramanian Swamy (Redefining Secularism, March 18, 2004) has confused a social process with a constitutional principle. Secularism, as introduced by the Founding Fathers of the Republic meant non-identification of the state with a religion but equal respect for all religions, freedom of religion and of conscience for all, bar on discrimination by the state among citizens on the basis of religion, protection of the religious minorities, particularly in the context of the Partition of the country on the basis of religion and consequent rise in Hindu communalism and neutrality or equidistance in situations of inter-religious conflict. The object of the secular order was to separate the Indian state from religion, and particularly from the natural grip of the dominant majority religion as far as possible, not by ignoring the social phenomenon of religion or questioning the religiosity of our people but by tolerating religious differences. Secularism was meant to create the peaceful environment free of inter-religious violence for the country to proceed on the path of economic development. The Constitution simultaneously liberated the Scheduled Castes, the Scheduled Tribes and the Other Backward Classes from centuries old bondage and thus made them all participants in the process of economic development. For the first time in Indian history political status and economic development generated the momentum for upward mobility of the Shudras and the Achhuts and the Adivasis and gave rise to the phenomenon of Sankritisation. Sanskritisation was thus the societal by-product of economic development, call it green revolution, if you like. The secular order never stood in the path of upward mobility. There was no contradiction between the secular state and the goals of economic development and social justice for all, including the various depressed and deprived sections of the Hindu community. Constitutional secularism was and is a function of the state. It is distinct from the inevitable and ongoing process of secularisation of society under the impact of modernisation. The secular state rose in Europe in a secular society. It was a much harder task to establish a secular state in a religious society. But the dominant religion tried to penetrate through cracks and crevices, mostly in the form of religious rituals of a denominational character and influence the state. It is not correct to say that the secular state alienated the religious masses from the state as the state never tried to influence the place of religion in the private lives of the people. The secular state indeed tried to inculcate among the citizens of diverse faiths not only mutual tolerance but productive cooperation and creative coexistence and, to borrow Dr. Swamy's phrase `to bond all citizens into one functional nation.' The Brahminical orthodoxy, anxious to capture the state, ever committed to transforming India into a Hindu state, would categorise and treat non-Hindus specially the Malechhas as second class citizens. This influenced the stance of the high castes when they took the offensive against the existing order when they found their monopoly of political power being shattered and their economic hold on the resources being undermined. It is not correct to say that the Sangh Parivar moved into a vacuum. It adopted a double strategy. It deliberately penetrated the state through brainwashing those in the government machinery or the prospective entrants, burrowing from within, enlarging the space, as well as propagated false and vicious ideas like appeasement of religious minorities, which, Dr. Swamy knows, has no factual basis. The basic error in Dr. Swamy's analysis is that he sees Sanskritisation as a result of political empowerment. One should see it as the result of economic development and consequent bid for maximising political empowerment. It is also an incorrect assertion to say that the new political forces represented by the more advanced OBCs or SCs or STs are ab initio anti-secular or anti-Muslim. No doubt they are constantly brainwashed and sought to be utilised by the Hindutva forces as their foot soldiers. Their success, partial though it is, is because the secular forces do not engage in political education of the emergent social groups or do not counteract the anti-secular forces. Indeed sometimes they go along with them and play to the gallery for fear of losing their political support. It is the Brahminical system, controlled by the high castes, which even today stands in the path of full efflorescence of the intellectual genius of the Indian people, their assertion of dignity and equality or their attainment of social justice. The caste system cannot be abolished just by passing laws but by opening all the closed doors of the Hindu hierarchy including performance of rituals in Hindu temples, the elevation of non-Brahmins to the post of Sankaracharyas, the democratisation of the religious properties held by Sants and Mahants, inter-caste marriage and above all by universalising education and its professionalisation. Sanskritisation one day will automatically touch the heights of society. Mere declaration of caste system as anti-Hindu will not do. India is 82 per cent Hindu. The religious minorities will always be there. But a progressive and developed, modern Hindu society will automatically adopt the secular state as the model. It will not oppress or discriminate against the non-Hindus. But so long as the Hindu society continues to oppress and discriminate against its own lowborn children, it can never be just to the non-Hindus and give them their due. Indian secularism does not need to be redefined; it needs to be applied sincerely by the state and, therefore, the peril lies in the capture of state power by anti-secular forces.
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