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News Analysis
By K. K. Katyal
NEW DELHI, APRIL 3. The BJP has sought to sort out some glaring inconsistencies in its approach to domestic issues but, ironically, allowed itself to be caught in a new contradiction. The Vision Document, released by it earlier this week, redefined its stand on two contentious issues repeal of Article 370, which accords a special status to Jammu and Kashmir, and the demand for a uniform civil code both of which had been put on the back burner to accommodate the viewpoints of its allies in the National Democratic Alliance. The main purpose of the new line on Article 370 was to remove the impediments in the way of the internal dialogue on Kashmir. The change on the civil code issue was meant to make the BJP stand palatable to the Muslims at a time when its leadership had been trying to dispel the misgivings of the community in a bid to neutralise its alienation. It could also have been intended to counter the criticism that the party's placatory moves did not go beyond tokenism. The new exposition did not go unnoticed, even though the core concerns of the Muslims were yet to be addressed. It brought the BJP stand in line with that of its allies. As against that, there was the astonishing case of the top leaders, including the Prime Minister, Atal Bihari Vajpayee, and the Deputy Prime Minister, L.K. Advani, invoking the Pakistan factor to win the support of the Muslim community here. They, thus, exposed themselves to the charge, levelled in the past by them against communal sections of the Muslims. The BJP and earlier the Jana Sangh used to object to what was seen as the tendency of some among the Muslims to look to Islamabad for sympathy and support or to tilt towards Pakistan in situations of clash between it and India. There was that oft-repeated allegation about scenes of rejoicing in Muslim localities whenever Pakistan had had the better of India in a sporting event. Pakistan had no locus standi in matters relating to the Muslims in India or, for that matter, to any other domestic matter this, rightly was the BJP stand. But now the party seemed to acknowledge the relevance of Pakistan to the affairs of the Indian Muslims. What else was the meaning of Mr. Vajpayee's elaborate reference at a "minorities development conference" to his Government's efforts to improve relations with Pakistan. Or of his bitter attack on the Congress for allegedly telling the Muslims that they would be sent to Pakistan if they failed to vote for that party? Or Mr. Advani's remarks that the NDA Government's efforts to normalise relations with Pakistan had fostered communal amity in the country or that the best way to reduce tension between Hindus and Muslims was to take steps to reduce tensions between India and Pakistan? The frequency and tone of such utterances in the BJP camp pointed to a well-planned effort to reach out to the Muslims. It was a legitimate exercise even though opinions differed on the motivation, on whether it was a tactical exercise on the eve of the elections or a strategic shift. But there could be no difference of opinion on the impropriety of dragging Pakistan into these moves. The new formulation on Article 370 would help the BJP (and the NDA) in getting out of the predicament in which it found itself while taking initiatives for a dialogue with the Kashmiri leaders. The BJP's adherence to the demand for abrogating the special constitutional provision (even though it had been temporarily shelved because of the coalitional compulsions) robbed it of its credibility. How could a party, opposed to special treatment for the State under Article 370, be expected to agree to increased autonomy (or greater devolution of powers)? Instead of calling for the repeal of Article 370, the party now recognised its need as a "transient and temporary" provision. The BJP counts on the changed position on the civil code to help remove the sting out of the earlier demand for uniformity, the cause of unease among the Muslims because of the perception that it was to be foisted on them. The uniformity is now sought to be made contingent on "social and political consensus." This is meant to be an assurance to the Muslims that no change would be brought about without their consent. A major shift but whether it carries conviction with the Muslim masses is not clear. The new line on the two issues is, no doubt, significant but it does not deal with the core concerns of the community - highly important in the political context.
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