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By K.K. Katyal
NEW DELHI, APRIL 11. Because of the attention attracted for good reasons by the inclusion of Ayodhya and the "foreign origin" issue in the NDA manifesto, the treatment accorded by it and the Opposition parties to other issues has not received adequate notice. But their importance is not to be under-estimated. As for Ayodhya, there was a strong compulsion for the BJP to mention it in the poll document. The VHP and others of the Sangh Parivar made it, virtually, a condition precedent for the active support of their cadres to the BJP in the election campaign. What is significant is the very mention of it, not the wording, regarded innocuous by its allies. It has to be seen in the context of the explicit, categorical formulation on the construction of a Ram temple in Ayodhya in the BJP's "vision document." Ayodhya, perhaps, would not have figured in the manifesto, had there not been a shift in the internal balance in the NDA, with an increase in the BJP's influence and the consequent diminution in the standing of the allies. The parivar was mollified by it and a reference to cow protection "Efforts will be made to evolve consensus for passing Central legislation for protection of cow and her progeny." The Congress formulation was different. It re-stated its "clear" stand on Ayodhya urging all parties to "wait for and abide by the verdict of the courts. If negotiations are to be held, they must be between the parties to the dispute." The foreign origin issue was mentioned obliquely in 1999 by the NDA "We will enact legislation to provide the eligibility criteria that the high offices of the state legislative, executive and judicial are held only by naturally born Indian citizens." This time, it is more specific "Legislation will be introduced to ensure that important offices of the Indian state can be occupied only by those who are India's natural citizens by their Indian origin." Obviously, the ruling combine counts on it for handsome dividends in the elections.
A disjointed formulation
On economic reforms, the NDA manifesto makes disjointed points, instead of presenting a coherent formulation on the future course of this process and other issues like foreign investment. "FDI limit in insurance will be revised to further widen India's insurance sector and to strengthen its global linkages" this is the only reference to foreign investment. The "vision document," however, deals with it at greater length. Speaking of the strengths acquired by the Indian economy, it says that the "BJP is committed to accelerate this process by further reforming our economy." In a pointed reference to the subject, the Congress takes pride in launching "liberalisation and economic reforms" and pledges to take steps to "broaden and deepen" these processes to attain and sustain, year after year, an 8-10 per cent rate of economic growth. In 1999, too, the party had committed itself to "faster economic reforms with a human face." Both the NDA and the Congress then resolved to increase direct investment inflows to $10 billion a year. The CPI (M), on the other hand, makes a strong case for a comprehensive set of policies to replace the existing ones, which, according to it, were designed to benefit the affluent 10 per cent. Under the "national security" head, the NDA, surprisingly, does not mention the country's nuclear status and how its Government proposes to conduct itself in that capacity. Only one sentence could be stretched to imply a reference to it the NDA Government's "historic initiatives in the last six years to strengthen India's defence capability and preparedness" and its pledge "to carry forward this imperative." Its 1999 manifesto had referred to the "recently-established" National Security Council to advise the Government on the "establishment of a credible nuclear deterrence," apart from the state of preparedness, morale and combat effectiveness of the armed forces.
Approval for nuclear reality
The Congress has moved from disapproval of nuclear tests (in the 1999 document) to approval of the nuclear reality now. The present manifesto speaks of the party's commitment to "maintaining a credible nuclear weapons programme," while calling for "demonstrable and verifiable confidence-building measures with its nuclear neighbours." Last time, it expressed its disapproval in these words: "The BJP was intent on exploding the nuclear bomb without adequate study of its consequences." The CPI (M), on the other hand, commits itself to reverting to the policy of using nuclear energy for civilian and peaceful purposes, apart from calling for parliamentary sanction for a moratorium on testing and for "open talks with Pakistan for a de-nuclearised environment in South Asia." It also promises to work for the "cancellation of Indo-U.S. military cooperation which links India with the U.S. global strategy" and to promote the policy of "no foreign military bases in South Asia". As regards the public sector, the nuances differ in the three cases. The NDA manifesto is categorical that "the process of disinvestment which yielded good results this year will be continued primarily to enhance and realise the hidden wealth of PSUs." The Congress, with its stress on a stronger public sector, will "approach privatisation selectively. Disinvestment will not be resorted to merely to raise revenue to meet short-term targets, as the NDA has been doing." The CPI (M) is sore that the "Vajpayee Government has assiduously worked to dismantle the public sector." The sale of public sector assets, it says, has meant a transfer of public resources to private hands. As for peace moves with Pakistan, there is an all-round consensus. The NDA Government will "continue the dialogue process with Pakistan for a lasting solution of all the outstanding issues, including Jammu and Kashmir on the basis of the joint statement issued in Islamabad in February 2004." The Congress, while seeking to score a point against the BJP, is nonetheless for talks with Islamabad. "The Congress has been consistent, unlike the BJP, on the issue of dialogue with Pakistan on all issues, including Jammu and Kashmir. It has always advocated formal and informal talks on the basis of the historic Shimla Agreement." At the same time, the party advocates a tough line against terrorism. "Pakistan sponsorship of cross-border terrorism must end completely and once and for all. If it continues, then the Indian state has the responsibility to protect its citizens." Likewise, the CPI (M) wants the dialogue with Pakistan to be pursued seriously, "without U.S. intervention" and people-to-people relations to be promoted. The consensus on expansion of ties with China is too conspicuous to be missed. There are no `ifs' and `buts.' The all round agreement on the approach to Pakistan and China in the current phase of sharp confrontation within the country is noteworthy. (Concluded)
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