Friday, Aug 13, 2004
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By Rory McCarthy
NAJAF, AUG. 12. In a dirty alley on the outskirts of the old city of Najaf yesterday stood a crowd of militia fighters — the newest volunteer among them a bright young biology student called Ali. He arrived seven days ago, bringing his Kalashnikov and a willingness to fight for the radical Iraqi cleric Moqtada al-Sadr. Around his head he wore a green, silk bandanna — an emblem of martyrdom. On his chest was a green ammunition belt, filled with loaded magazines and rusted hand-grenades. Written neatly on the belt was his name, address and telephone number. ``In case I die, so they can reach my family,'' he said.
Young and poor
Like all of the fighters in this group on the front line, Ali (26), came across country from Amara, one of the several southern Iraqi towns where Mr. Sadr's Shia militia has fought in the past week, including yesterday when British troops said 10 fighters were killed. Most who take up arms for the 30-year-old Mr. Sadr are young and poor. A minority, like Mr. Ali, are also well-educated. They revile Saddam Hussein, who spent his time as leader persecuting them, but their eagerness to fight now is largely born out of frustration that the war and occupation has brought little material change to their lives. Added to this is their avowed religious conviction. ``I came for the defence of Islam,'' Mr. Ali said. He and the other 20 or so fighters in his platoon describe themselves as an ``Islamic resistance''.
Broad appeal
The other Shia parties hold little appeal for the fighters. ``They just use Islamic slogans to cover up what they are doing,'' said Mr. Ali. ``Syed Moqtada is a nationalist and he demands the right of the Iraqi people and the rights of the poor. He is the only one who didn't betray the people and cooperate with the Americans.'' The fighters here in Najaf have rallied behind Mr. Sadr, the scion of a highly respected clerical family, because unlike all other major Shia political leaders he has so far shunned involvement in the pro-American governments. Although his radicalism is rejected by many middle-class Shias, he carries a broad appeal for those looking for a revolutionary streak in the Shia faith in Iraq. It was his father's cousin, Mohammad Baqr al-Sadr, who began the activist, or ``spoken'', school in Najaf's Shia clerical community, advocating an Islamic state through revolution until he was killed in 1979. Moqtada's father, Muhammad Sadeq al-Sadr, also acquired a reputation as a social activist until he was assassinated in 1999. Since last year's invasion his son has sought to claim that activist's mantle too. It is an appeal that for months after last year's invasion the U.S. and British occupation authorities seriously underestimated. Now, Mr. Sadr is leading his second uprising in just five months. For the past week Najaf, site of the holiest shrine in the Shia faith, has been the focus of the fighting, but there have been many clashes in Baghdad and in southern towns that have thrown down a major challenge to the new Iraqi Government. Mr. Ali and his colleagues spent most of yesterday taking cover in the shade. From a window in a building above them a sniper fired out a round every few minutes into the Valley of Peace cemetery, just 100 metres away. On the far side of the vast cemetery are 2,000 U.S. Marines, who have threatened to seize control of the city.
Religious overtones
The entire scene was imbued with deep religious overtones and constant references to Imam Ali, Prophet Muhammad's son-in-law and a key figure in the Shia sect. ``Ali is with you,'' they said to each other in greetings. ``Do you think I aim when I shoot this thing?'' one machine gunner said to another fighter. ``All these things are done by Imam Ali. All I have to do is carry the thing and pull the trigger and he will help me with my aim and bring down the helicopter. It is not me that does these things.'' — © Guardian Newspapers Limited 2004
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