The Hindu : Opinion / Editorials : CALAMITY AND CONFLICT

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Tuesday, Jan 25, 2005

Opinion

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CALAMITY AND CONFLICT

CAN CALAMITY TRUMP conflict? In the immediate aftermath of the tsunami, there was hope that out of the ruins would be born reconciliation in Indonesia and Sri Lanka, the two worst affected countries. Both have a long history of an internal conflict between the state and separatist forces. That hope has proved chimerical. The havoc the waves caused may have momentarily blurred the lines of conflict, but it certainly did not erase them. In both countries the most badly hit regions lie within the conflict zone, almost unfairly heaping devastation on an already devastated people. Out of the total number of those killed in Indonesia — now estimated to be in excess of 100,000 — more than two-thirds are from Aceh, a province in the island of Sumatra where a three-decade fight for independence peaked two years ago. In Sri Lanka, where the death toll is estimated to cross 40,000, more than half the dead and missing are from the North-East, where the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam want to establish an independent state. But in both countries, the conflict has resolutely refused to budge, even for the humanitarian purpose of reaching relief to those affected by the tsunami or for their long-term rehabilitation.

In Sri Lanka, the LTTE is blowing hot and cold over Government relief efforts in the North-East. It oscillates between assertions of independence and the knowledge that it cannot do without Colombo's assistance to overcome the disaster. In order to underline its separateness, the LTTE wants international aid given to it directly. At the same time, the fanatically secretive Pol Potist organisation wants no international scrutiny of its activities, giving rise to fears that it is exploiting the tragedy for its own interests. The recent LTTE criticism of the United Nations Children's Fund for publicising the group's recruitment of child soldiers from among the orphans in the tsunami relief camps is an indicator of the difficulties that lie ahead for relief agencies. In Indonesia, it is the Government that appears to be uneasy with the army of international relief agencies that has landed in the country; and with the media scrutiny of Aceh, to which it had barred access since launching a military offensive against the rebels in May 2003. Jakarta's explanation that its restrictions on the movement of aid workers will protect them from being kidnapped by the rebels has not gone down well, especially as the region's main insurgent group, the Free Aceh Movement, has made a commitment not to hinder relief work in the province. Skirmishes between the military and the Free Aceh Movement, despite a temporary ceasefire the rebels initiated, have also hampered relief operations. Evidently, the military, which retains an important role in Indonesia's politics notwithstanding the country's recent democratic makeover, wants no let-up against the rebels. It probably sees in the present situation an opportunity to press ahead with a military solution in the troublesome province.

In the unforeseen test of leadership that has come with the tsunami, the leader of the LTTE, Velupillai Prabakaran, already stands exposed for his failure to rally around the people he claims to represent and for remaining in hiding so long after the tragedy struck that it set off speculation about his own fate. It will come as no surprise if he fails to put the basic needs of Tamil people in the North-East before his own. But much better is expected of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, Indonesia's first directly elected President. In the interest of Indonesia and democracy, Mr. Yudhoyono must rise to the occasion and ensure that short-sighted political interests do not come in the way of providing for the tsunami survivors of Aceh.

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