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Leader Page Articles
Sanjay Reddy and Antoine Heuty
THE JUST published book by Professor Jeffrey Sachs, The End of Poverty, rightly insists on the shared responsibilities of rich and poor countries alike to bring about global poverty reduction. Prof. Sachs, who is also an advisor to the United Nations Secretary-General, Kofi Annan, prescribes a set of interventions specific investments in health, education and infrastructure through which to substantially reduce poverty in developing countries. He calls on developing countries to implement these interventions and calls on developed countries to triple aid from its current level of around $ 65 billion a year. Aid flows are now relatively unimportant to India but are still greatly important to many developing countries which have limited internal resources, especially smaller countries and those in sub-Saharan Africa. Prof. Sachs emphasises the role that aid can play in improving conditions in these countries. These recommendations carry great weight as they are likely to play a prominent role in this year's gathering of head of states to assess how best to achieve the U.N.'s "millennium development goals."
Two central problems
Prof. Sachs presents a clear and forceful message but it is questionable whether his recommendations will really help in achieving a lastingly better world. There are two central problems with Prof. Sachs' prescriptions. The first problem is that he fails adequately to question the questionable orthodox prescription for economic development, centred on liberalisation and privatisation, although he favours supplementing it through more and better direct government investments in public health, education and infrastructure. In this respect, the doctrine that Prof. Sachs supports may be referred to as "Washington Consensus Plus": it includes all the elements of policy that have been promoted for the last two decades by the U.S. treasury, the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, but adds some other elements besides. Prof. Sachs' view departs sharply from that of prominent critics of elements of the Washington Consensus, such as the Nobel Prize winner, Professor Joseph Stiglitz, or Professor Jagdish Bhagwati (who has emphasised the potential dangers of free capital mobility). Prof. Sachs' prescriptions may ultimately create some problems as well as solve others. The second problem is that Prof. Sachs relies heavily on the idea that today's development problems have a technical fix. In reality, it is impossible to know in advance exactly how to achieve any end as is evinced by the dismal record of past attempts at comprehensive central planning. As Prof. Sachs emphasises, we do know that some interventions (such as, in his view, the use of insecticide-dipped mosquito nets to combat malaria) are likely to be very effective at enhancing human well-being. However, the solutions to a great many other problems are simply unknown, and it would be best to recognise this. Technical fixes do not exist for the most important problems we face. For these, institutional and political reforms largely ignored in Prof. Sachs' recommendations are as important.
Flexibility in plans
A national development strategy must be open to revision. A country, like a person, does best by revising its plans in light of new information. National and international plans for poverty reduction must incorporate flexibility, so that they can reflect the different conditions prevailing in different countries. However, allowing for flexibility is not enough. A practical approach to reducing human deprivations must actively foster learning about the best strategies, rather than presuming that these strategies are known in advance. It is likely that new information will emerge over time about the best strategies. Human beings learn from the results of their own and others' practical experiments. A sound strategy for reducing global poverty must enable and encourage countries to undertake experiments and to learn from one another.
Impact of mid-day meals
A telling example of the importance of arriving at sound policies through learning is provided by the mid-day school meals introduced in southern Indian States in the early 1980s. This measure was initially criticised as populist and ineffective. Many Indian economists feared that the programme would add little to child nutrition, as poor parents would react to the availability of school meals by spending less on child nutrition themselves.
Peer and partner review
Fostering experiment and learning
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