The Hindu : Opinion / Editorials : Iran asserts its influence

Online edition of India's National Newspaper
Wednesday, May 25, 2005

Opinion

Opinion - Editorials

Iran asserts its influence

In sending Foreign Minister Kamal Kharrazi to Iraq, Iran sought to demonstrate it could not be kept out of the developing situation in its neighbourhood. Teheran has a vital stake in the affairs of its western neighbour and the means to protect its own interests since a dominant section of the coalition government in Baghdad is beholden to it. The leaders and many members of the two Shia parties that form the main components of Iraq's present government were given sanctuary in Iran when they fled the despotism of the former Ba'athist regime. They were also provided political and financial support over the years. With Shias forming about 60 per cent of the Iraqi population, there is a deep-rooted affinity between the two countries. For all that, the Iranians had until recently preferred to play a role behind the scenes in Baghdad. This approach was shaped by two different sets of circumstances. First, a United States in military occupation of Iraq was determined to deny political and strategic space to a country it regards as its enemy. Secondly, a Baghdad regime that depends on the occupying army for its security was unable to pursue an independent policy. As Mr. Kharrazi coolly observed when he broke through these roadblocks, "the party that will leave Iraq is the United States, because it will eventually withdraw... the party that will live with the Iraqis is Iran, because it is a neighbour."

Teheran has one major advantage over Washington: access to the clerical hierarchy that generates mass support for the Shia parties and also provides them political guidance. While Mr. Kharrazi was received by Grand Ayatollah Ali Sistani, no senior representative of the superpower has been granted this privilege so far. However, this sectarian linkage imposes limitations on Iran's ability to influence Iraqi affairs. Sunnis currently waging a furious resistance against foreign occupation have become increasingly hostile to the Shia parties — who, they believe, act as Teheran's agents. Most victims of the suicide bombings and other attacks carried out in the course of the popular resistance have been Shias. This community has also provided the bulk of the recruits for the security services that operate in tandem with the occupation forces. These security services and several Shia militias have now apparently begun to strike back. They have reportedly killed a number of Sunni clerics. In this context, the Iranian suggestion that it can help the Baghdad regime stabilise the security situation is likely to be misconstrued. Even `moderate' Sunnis who were prepared to cooperate with the Government have now turned hostile; they believe the Shia parties rejected their nominees for official posts on flimsy grounds. As the sectarian divide widens by the day, true friends of the Iraqi people can be of real help. Given the influence it commands, Iran should set itself the task of reversing this trend and politically advancing the cause of Iraqi liberation.

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