The Hindu : Opinion / Leader Page Articles : Conservatives regain the Presidency in Iran

Online edition of India's National Newspaper
Thursday, Jun 30, 2005

Opinion

Opinion - Leader Page Articles

Conservatives regain the Presidency in Iran

Atul Aneja

The new President represents a right-wing drift in a large section of the new generation which has, for the moment, overpowered the impulse for reform as well as the aspirations of its liberal advocates.

IRAN'S SLOW progression towards reforms, which promised to take off during the eight-year tenure of Mohammad Khatami, appears to have been stalled with the election of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad as the new President. More than an individual, Mr. Ahamdinejad represents a right-wing drift in a large section of the new generation, which has, for the moment, overpowered the impulse for reform as well as the aspirations of its liberal advocates.

He belongs to the younger generation of Iranians who emerged as a cohesive force during the eight-year Iran-Iraq war that began in 1980. Most Iranians see the war as an American attempt to throttle the Revolution using Iraq as a proxy. Those who fought in that war acquired a reputation for being defenders of the revolution.

The war brought Mr. Ahmadinejad in contact with the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) — the elite force he joined in 1986. During the conflict, he fought inside Iraq in an area around the oil rich city of Kirkuk, did intelligence work as well as other security duties. Apart from his strong connections with the IRGC, Mr. Ahmadinejad derives his clout from his proximity to the Basij — the pro-establishment vigilante group. Basiji cadres can easily be distinguished in public — most of them are bearded, they have a military bearing, and they travel on motorcycles.

Rising force

Mr. Ahmadinejad was once an instructor for the Basij, which is closely associated with the IRGC. He is also a prominent member of the Abadgaran, the rising right-wing political force which has begun to challenge sections of the clerical old guard involved in bringing about the 1979 revolution. The Abadgaran rose to prominence when it won the Teheran municipal council elections. In April 2003, it positioned Mr. Ahmadinejad as the city mayor. It next swept the February 2004 parliamentary polls, displacing the reformers who had dominated Parliament during the Khatami years. The Presidency was the last bastion, which it overwhelmed on June 24, when Mr. Ahmadinejad was elected to the high office . The ninth Presidential elections therefore symbolise the emergence of a new generation leadership, which has systematically established its hold over all key institutions of government. Mr. Ahmadinejad has emerged as a prominent player in the intergenerational power shift in Iran.

The Abadgaran's rise appears to have been aided by the hardline Guardians Council, either through direct interference or by default. This powerful institution has three clerics appointed by Iran's supreme leader to check whether a law passed by Parliament is in line with the principles of Shia Islam. It also has three lawyers appointed by the head of the judiciary, who in turn is a supreme leader appointee. The Guardians Council is also responsible for elections, and it barred a large number of established reformers from contesting the parliamentary polls. It attracted attention during the ninth presidential elections when Mehdi Karroubi, who narrowly lost to Mr. Ahmadinejad in the first round of polling, accused it of wrongful interference. The Council has strongly denied these charges.

The Presidential elections have also exposed the prominent class divisions in Iranian society. With 70 per cent of Iranians below the age of 30, all the Presidential candidates tried to woo the new generation voters. But, unlike the rest, Mr. Ahmadinejad focussed on winning the hearts and minds of the unemployed and underprivileged youth. In a June 8 television interview, he called for the creation of a Young People's fund, where one per cent of the state budget would be deposited. In another interview, his representative took a swipe at the rise of the wealthy in post-revolution Iran, by comparing them with the aristocracy comprising "thousand families" that ruled the country during the days of the monarchy. Mr. Ahmadinejad has also stressed upon land redistribution, state control over natural resources, support for small workshops, and better wages for public servants.

`Man of the people'

During the campaign, Mr. Ahmadinejad projected his "humble origins" and a spartan lifestyle in order to be seen as the "man of the people." In contrast, Ali Akbar Rafsanjani, aggressively used television to make his case, depending greatly on slick commercials. These might have appealed to the well-heeled in upmarket north Teheran, but may not have cut much ice with the unemployed in the southern and eastern areas.

In a conversation with a panel of young people on TV, Mr. Rafsanjani was asked whether people should be allowed to choose the clothes they wear — a reference to the dress code imposed on women in Iran after the Revolution. "Design and colour depends on people's taste ... There should at least be clothes — no nudity," he joked. The turbaned cleric then answered questions on freedom, relations between the sexes, love and death. His campaign team that consisted of many young boys and girls distributed compact discs of his interview.

After decades in public life, which saw him twice holding the position of President, Speaker of Parliament, head of the powerful Expediency Council and adviser to the supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, Mr. Rafsanjani has emerged as a spent force and one who was unable to reinvent himself as a moderniser, in step with the hopes and aspirations of the youth. His wealth from a thriving family business, the powers of patronage acquired through the powerful political positions he held and from the informal influence of his extended family were, in the end, not enough.

Shaky foundations

That Mr. Rafsanjani was campaigning on shaky foundations became apparent when influential sections of the clergy began to desert him. For instance, the religious seminary in Qom reportedly failed to support Mr. Rafsanjani. Thirty-two out of 55 people at a meeting meant to decide on supporting a presidential candidate voted for him, but three more votes were required for an endorsement. There have been reports in the Persian press that the lecturers in the seminary issued a statement in late May, which accused Mr. Rafsanjani of disregarding existing laws during his Presidency, and for promoting economic development at the expense of social justice. This led to "social divisions, favouritism, poverty, and corruption." The seminarians noted that Mr. Rafsanjani believes "it is logical and legal to have social cleavages in society — even among statesmen."

The conservative Teheran Militant Clergy Association supported Mr.Rafsanjani's candidature only reluctantly. This was because the Coordination Council of Islamic Revolution Forces, with which the Association is linked, chose Ali Larijani as its candidate.

The hardline Ansar-I-Hizbullah, also declared its reservations about Mr. Rafsanjani. Mujtaba Keshani, a leading cleric who serves on its central council, said that corrupt elements were part of Mr. Rafsanjani's camp. Mr. Keshani also reportedly compared Mr. Rafsanjani's privatisation plans with the thousand affluent families that set the political agenda during the monarchical era. He was also criticised for his campaign photographs with young girls who, in Mr. Keshani's view, were not wearing their Islamic head coverings correctly.

Part of the trading community organised under the Bazaar and Guilds of Teheran did not back Mr. Rafsanjani preferring Mr. Larijani instead. As Mr. Ahmadinejad prepares to take office in August, his foreign policy is likely to attract the maximum possible scrutiny abroad. He has already spelt out the broad contours of his approach to foreign affairs, though these might undergo a modification once professional diplomats get into the act. In an interview broadcast on June 8, Mr. Ahmadinejad said he wished to promote relations with all countries "on the basis of respect." In terms of priorities, neighbouring countries would receive his greatest attention followed by those states, which were once a part of the Persian Empire. Relations with Muslim states were important but so were with countries not hostile to Iran.

Mr. Ahmadinejad appears firm on developing nuclear energy. He has said that Iran has the right to develop nuclear energy and, "no one can deprive the Iranian nation of this right." Relations with the United States, in his view, were not the top-most priority. On his website he has stated that "America's unilateral move to sever its ties with the Islamic Republic was aimed at destroying the Islamic Revolution." The U.S., he added, was seeking to re-engage Iran only with this aim in mind. Mr. Ahmadinejad observed that Iran, should consider resuming its ties with Washington only after carefully evaluating its national interests.

Printer friendly page
Send this article to Friends by E-Mail

Opinion