The Hindu : Opinion / Leader Page Articles : Captivity has only firmed up her resolve

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Friday, Jul 08, 2005

Opinion

Opinion - Leader Page Articles

Captivity has only firmed up her resolve

V. Jayanth

How long will it take Aung San Suu Kyi to realise her dream of seeing a free and democratic Burma? The answer lies both with her own people and with the international community.

NOBEL PEACE laureate Aung San Suu Kyi recently turned 60. Her supporters all over the world did not lose the opportunity to drive home the message that it was high time that the military rulers in Myanmar — the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) — gave her full liberty and opened a purposeful dialogue with her National League for Democracy.

The people of Myanmar — the Burmese — who migrated to other countries, held demonstrations across the globe to not only protest against the treatment meted out to their leader, but also to draw the attention of world leaders to the state of affairs in their country. U.S. President George W. Bush and others in Europe did respond to the call and reiterated their demand to the SPDC to reopen a dialogue with Ms. Suu Kyi for the restoration of democracy in the country. Neighbouring Thailand even conferred a doctorate on Ms. Suu Kyi. But the Generals running Myanmar remain unmoved and have done precious little towards restoring democracy in Myanmar.

Ten years ago, when Ms. Suu Kyi was first "released" after six years of house arrest in Yangon, when asked by the media if democracy would return soon, she said: "I don't know about soon, but I do believe democracy will come to Burma because it is something that the people want and I think in the long run you really cannot resist the will of the people."

She knew that she was in for the long haul. It was not going to be an easy road to democracy, though her National League for Democracy (NLD) won a massive mandate in the 1990 general elections that the military junta conducted and then annulled. She was, and remains, confident that in any democratic process or exercise, the people will have their say. Which is perhaps why the Generals ruling the country have not moved an inch towards a democratic process. So where does her hope or confidence stem from?

Again, in an interview to this newspaper 10 years ago, Ms. Suu Kyi, who spent the early part of her life in India when her mother was Burma's Ambassador to India, said she was greatly influenced by Mahatma Gandhi. She was committed to a totally "non-violent struggle." Only, the Mahatma waged a sathyagraha against the British, but Ms. Suu Kyi is fighting against her own country's army, which has kept power to itself. Not once in all these years has she raised the banner of violence. Despite the gravest threats and continuing harassment by the military rulers, she has always advocated "patience and restraint," asking her friends and party activists to maintain peace and still continue the struggle.

Daughter of the one of Burma's founding fathers, Aung San, Ms. Suu Kyi has nurtured a passion for justice and democracy and refuses to hate her adversaries. To this day, she remains firm in her belief that democracy will return to the country so long as the people want it and are prepared to struggle for it. She has been a champion of human rights and won perhaps every award that any international body can confer on an individual. With all these values and the people on her side, why has she not been able to achieve any success till now?

The reasons are not far to seek. After annulling the 1990 elections, the generals took firm control of the country and crushed a democratic uprising. Since then, they have only tightened their grip and tried to win legitimacy for their governance with the world at large. After a period of isolation from neighbours and the world community, Myanmar started moving closer to China. And this caused quite some discomfort in East Asia, not to talk of India. So, when the military rulers "released" Ms. Suu Kyi in 1995, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) saw an opening to engage Myanmar. It opened a channel of communication with Yangon to draw it into the regional forum. Without any change of heart, the military junta saw it as an opportunity to secure at least regional recognition and legitimacy. The Generals moved quickly to secure even membership of ASEAN in 1998 and have not looked back since. Except for the annual voices of protest and concern from the U.S., the European Union, and the United Nations about the suppression of political rights or human rights violations in the country, the Myanmar military administration has achieved what it set out to.

The first few years were spent in trying to sell the idea that the military government was preparing a new constitution. A National Assembly was constituted to draft that document after wide consultation with the various ethnic groups and tribes. The generals went about signing treaties and agreements with one insurgent group after another, ostensibly to bring each of them into the consultation process.

The constitution was supposed to follow the Indonesian model, in which Gen. Suharto had ensured a political, social, and defence role for the armed forces. But he was overthrown by a political revolution by the people, and after teething problems, Indonesia appears firmly on the road to democracy, though the backing of the powerful armed forces is imperative for any President to run the archipelago.

Perhaps the Myanmar Generals' utopian concept of an Indonesian type of parliament and presidency has collapsed. But they have made no formal announcement of what stage the national convention has reached in its elusive and long-drawn process of drafting a new constitution. So, how can there be any progress? That is where Ms. Suu Kyi believes the international community can help. No, not with sanctions because they do not work. The U.S. and the EU have tried this without any success. The ASEAN's attempts at "constructive engagement" have also failed to yield any result in the past seven years. But there is a window of opportunity.

In 2006, going by the rotation principle, Myanmar must take over the Chair of the ASEAN standing committee. But the U.S., the EU, and Australia, who happen to be key dialogue partners of ASEAN, will not accept such a role for the military leadership. The ASEAN must either ask Myanmar to give up its chance or persuade the military rulers to take the "restoration of democracy" seriously. This is perhaps the last opportunity in the foreseeable future to exert that kind of pressure on Myanmar to open an "unconditional dialogue" with not just Ms. Suu Kyi and her NLD, but all other groups that believe in democracy.

Time-bound programme

It has to be a time-bound programme to bring democracy back to Myanmar and put an end to the military rule. Even an interim administration with people's representatives, with a commitment to hold a genuine election within a year or two, should be a welcome step. But it remains to be seen if either ASEAN or any other members of the international community can bring that kind of pressure to bear on the SPDC to make it see reason and go back to the people.

The generals tried to dub Ms. Suu Kyi a "foreigner" because she was married to a British national, Michael Aris. Fearing that she would not be allowed to re-enter her country, Ms. Suu Kyi did not even go to the U.K. where he died a few years ago. She remains so committed to her people and to staying in her own country till she can win freedom for them. She is already 60 and has spent the better part of her life now in isolation and under house arrest. How long will it take her to realise her dream of seeing a free and democratic Burma? The answer lies both with her own people and with the international community. She is of course clear that there can be no room for violence in this struggle. It has to be peaceful and yet successful. But will the generals listen if it is so peaceful? The ASEAN and Myanmar's immediate neighbours, in consultation with the United Nations, must initiate a determined effort to break the impasse and get the Generals to open a real, genuine and time-bound dialogue with Ms. Suu Kyi.

The solution must be internal and acceptable to the people, because Ms. Suu Kyi is convinced they are supreme. The people too must make it clear that they want a democratic framework and government, not a military dictatorship but whatever name it may be called.

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