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Friends yes, but not allies please

Defence Minister Pranab Mukherjee returned from his "exploratory" visit to Washington last month with a "framework" for military cooperation under his belt. The agreement goes way beyond the current state of play in defence matters. It conjures up a world in which India can join the United States in the enforcement of counter-proliferation, "freedom," and other Bush administration foreign policy goals. Further collaboration on missile defence is envisaged. Mr. Mukherjee's plea that his Government has only agreed to let Indian troops join their U.S. counterparts in multinational operations "when it is in mutual interest" will hardly reassure people in this country. Washington wants India to put "boots on the ground" for "low-end" duties as and when a crisis situation demands so that its own troops are free to do the "high-end" work of waging war. It is no happenstance that the words "United Nations" do not figure anywhere in the framework agreement: the only multinational operations the U.S. takes part in are those which its generals lead and direct — mostly, it must be noted, with calamitous consequences. If the new framework is implemented the way Washington wants, India will undercut its international stature and generate misgivings through much of Asia and beyond.

As Prime Minister Manmohan Singh leaves for Washington, he will be conscious of the popular backlash the defence framework agreement has triggered. Such opposition is not confined to the Left. Dr. Singh must resist any attempt to widen the scope of the "strategic partnership," particularly in the military and political spheres. The Bush administration is keen to recruit India to its cause of promoting "democracy" worldwide. Any new institutions aimed at promoting democracy and good governance must be U.N.-run if they are to succeed. George Bush knows that what Dr. Singh wants more than anything else is forward movement on civilian nuclear cooperation. Washington continues to deny nuclear technology to India; it also works overtime to ensure that others fall in line. Such a stance, Dr. Singh should tell Mr. Bush, is incompatible with the strategic closeness professed towards India. If, however, there is some unexpected softening in the U.S. position, India needs to avoid offering unpalatable concessions as a quid pro quo. For instance, Washington is not pleased with the Iran-Pakistan-India pipeline project, and may ask New Delhi to review it. Or there might be pressure to bail out Texas-based Lockheed Martin by selecting the F-16 as its new fighter of choice. One of India's major strengths today is the ability to build constructive partnerships with all current and future world powers, including the U.S., China, Russia, the European Union, Japan, and Brazil. The more New Delhi is drawn into Washington's embrace, the less respect and room for manoeuvre it will have on the Asian and world stage.

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