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Don't vote against Iran again

When the International Atomic Energy Agency convenes an emergency meeting of its Board of Governors in the next few weeks, India must not allow itself to be dragooned into joining the Washington-led nuclear lynch mob against Iran. Last September, the Manmohan Singh Government took the politically shameful and morally indefensible decision of voting for a resolution that found Iran in non-compliance with its IAEA safeguards agreement and obligated the eventual referral of the matter to the United Nations Security Council. Like a judge who votes to send a man to the gallows but adds he doesn't really believe the convict is guilty, India said in its "explanation of vote" that it did not consider Iran to be in non-compliance or that the issue should be referred to the UNSC. These caveats were presented to the Indian public as proof that the Government was committed to a resolution of the Iranian nuclear question through dialogue and negotiation. As recently as December 6, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh told a press conference he addressed jointly with Russian President Vladimir Putin in Moscow that India hoped the Iranian issue would be settled through the IAEA. If these stances are to have any meaning, India must resist Washington's efforts to haul Iran before the Security Council. An Indian abstention would not endanger the July 18 nuclear agreement; on the contrary, it should ensure that India is not squeezed by the U.S. into granting even more concessions on the nuclear front.

The apparent provocation for the latest round of pressure is the Iranian decision to resume research work on uranium enrichment at its safeguarded facilities. This work remained suspended for more than two years following assurances by Britain, France, and Germany (the E-3) of a comprehensive package that would accommodate both Iran's right to an autonomous nuclear energy programme and western concerns about the danger of Iran acquiring nuclear weapons. The package the E-3 came up with last year was an insult to the Iranians because they were told they had no right to the civilian nuclear fuel cycle. The Europeans made matters worse by refusing to entertain any future negotiations on the issue, and it was up to Moscow to restart the dialogue process by proposing the establishment of joint enrichment facilities on Russian territory. The Iranians are amenable to this suggestion provided their right to uranium enrichment is recognised, something the E-3 and the U.S. have set their face against. The research being conducted is legal and fully covered by IAEA safeguards. Aside from the lack of any legal basis for threatening Iran with sanctions, India should consider what the U.S. pressure on Teheran will do to international oil prices as well as to the overall security scenario in West Asia. Last September, the Indian Government acted supinely, against national interests, in siding with the U.S. on Iran. That blunder must not be repeated.

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