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"Cooperation and conflict co-exist"

K.V. Prasad

One year after assuming charge as general secretary of the Communist Party of India (Marxist),Prakash Karatdiscusses the Left's relationship with the United Progressive Alliance Government at the Centre and the prospects for a third alternative to the combines led by the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party. Excerpts from an interview:

— Photo: Arunangsu Roy Chowdhury

Prakash Karat: "Without a common approach on policy matters and joint campaigns and movements, a third alternative cannot emerge."

It has been a year since you assumed office as general secretary of the CPI(M). How do you look at the period?

In our party, we have a collective leadership. The role of the general secretary is to carry out the decisions of the Polit Bureau and the Central Committee. Since the 18th Congress of the Party held in April 2005, we have been working to implement the political-tactical line decided then. We had concluded that there is a favourable situation for the advance of the party and the Left forces in the country. A greater projection of the Left's positions and the organisational steps to strengthen the Party have been the main focus in the last one year.

How successful have the CPI(M) and other Left parties been in checking the Congress-led UPA from deviating from the commitments made in the Common Minimum Programme?

The Left parties have been striving to see that the UPA Government implements the various commitments made in the Common Minimum Programme. We are able to check any departure from the pro-people direction of the CMP if that requires sanction of Parliament, since the government requires Left support to pass legislation. Otherwise, the Government tends to go ahead where executive decisions are concerned. There is also the question of the Manmohan Singh Government's foreign policy and the steps to forge a strategic alliance with the United States. We do not think this is in line with the promise to pursue an independent foreign policy.

The Government feels it has nearly accomplished the promises made in the CMP. What is your assessment? What are the areas that need greater attention?

Some steps have been taken in the past two years to fulfil the CMP commitments — the adoption of the Rural Employment Guarantee Act, the Right to Information Act, the repeal of POTA, and so on. However, the Government shows greater alacrity in pushing ahead with the policies which are in tune with the demands of international finance capital and corporate interests. Such measures are FDI in retail trade and privatisation of airports. A latest example is the announcement about going for a full capital convertibility. There are a number of measures set out in the CMP which have not been taken up — legislation for unorganised sector workers, comprehensive legislation for agricultural workers, strengthening of the public distribution system, one-third reservation for women in legislatures and Parliament, and more substantial allocation of funds for rural development, education, and health.

During the past one year, relations between the UPA and the Left parties have turned sour with a decision first to suspend participation in coordination committee meetings and now to hold separate briefings.

The arrangement between the UPA and the Left parties is not free from elements of conflict. Both cooperation and conflict co-exist. This is natural given the fact that the Congress and the Left parties have their own political and ideological positions. The Left parties are not part of the UPA because of this difference. While extending support, the CPI(M) and the Left parties have also sought to maintain an independent position. Some issues can be resolved through discussions but there are some questions, which are difficult to compromise upon.

The Central Committee decided to review relations with the UPA after the elections to the five Assemblies. Does this mean taking a fresh look at extending outside support?

The Central Committee meeting held in March decided to make an overall assessment of the political situation after the Assembly elections. A number of developments have taken place and are unfolding which will have an impact on the national political situation. We are also going to assess what the BJP is doing, what the other political parties are thinking about. The Assembly elections will also have some impact on the national situation. In that process, we shall also look at the performance of the UPA Government and work out the future course of action.

How do you view the effort of the Telugu Desam Party and the Samajwadi Party to work for a third alternative in the country? What would be the approach of the CPI(M)?

Our party has consistently advocated the need for a third alternative. But such an alternative can be developed by parties that are firmly committed to secularism and who can present alternative policies. It is well known that there is no basic difference on economic policies between the Congress and the BJP. A third alternative must have economic policies distinct from both these parties. Without a common approach on policy matters and joint campaigns and movements, a third alternative cannot emerge. It cannot be reduced to only an election alliance to meet electoral exigencies. After the Assembly elections, we shall discuss with the Samajwadi Party leadership and others about these matters.

On the organisational front, the party decided to carry out intensive work in Hindi-speaking areas such as Uttar Pradesh and Bihar. What is the progress?

In order to expand the party's influence and organisational base, we had decided in the Party Congress to concentrate in certain States, which we listed out as priority States. In the Hindi-speaking areas, we are developing movements such as struggles of the peasantry in Rajasthan. In both Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, we have worked out an annual plan to streamline our organisation and to develop local struggles on the immediate issues of the people, the Dalits and the rural poor. We have also selected tribal areas in five States to conduct planned work. It is important for the Party to strengthen its independent activities and work with other Left forces. If we do this steadfastly, we shall make progress.

The SP appears to benefit from the support of the CPI(M) though the party has trouble with the Congress. Would this strategy help the CPI(M) gain ground in U.P.?

We have to recognise that the Samajwadi Party, unlike many other regional parties, has had no truck with the BJP. At the same time, it is not necessary that our party agrees with all that is being done by the Government in Uttar Pradesh. On the question of attitude to a State Government by the Centre, we have our strong views that whatever political differences, the rights of State Governments cannot be tampered with. On fighting communal forces, we have cooperated with the Samajwadi Party, but the CPI(M) can gain strength in Uttar Pradesh only through its independent activities.

How do you view the recent crisis in Kerala unit of the party? Was it a case of factionalism coming to the fore or was it a case of personality/ideological clashes between two leaders? Are you satisfied with the way the issue was resolved?

I do not think there was any crisis in the Kerala unit of the party. That was mainly a media creation. It is true that we have had inner-party problems and there have been factional trends. But our party in Kerala has a fine tradition of unitedly working, both to lead mass struggles and in facing elections. How do you think the CPI(M) and the LDF won all the elections starting from the Lok Sabha polls in May 2004? Whatever decision was taken by the Polit Bureau, that is being fully implemented by the entire party in Kerala as our party is organised on the basis of democratic centralism. As far as the elections in Kerala are concerned, we are confident of wide support of the people for the CPI(M) and for the victory of the LDF.

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