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Talking with ULFA

The Central Government is moving to hold direct talks with the United Liberation Front of Asom for the first time. It has agreed, with some encouragement from the Assam Government, to "consider favourably" ULFA's plea for the release of five of its leaders who are in jail. These are positive developments. Yet fundamental scepticism about the major terrorist-extortionist group remains. There seems to be no change worth speaking about in its declared secessionist agenda. Earlier this month, just ahead of talks between the Government and the People's Consultative Group comprising the interlocutors deployed by ULFA, it set off a series of bomb explosions in signature style; the organisation's protestations of innocence sounded hollow. Considering such a record, the Government will need to be watchful in dealing with ULFA — but in the full knowledge that it has been significantly weakened. New Delhi must not end up sending the wrong message on its resolve to tackle secessionism and insurgency in the north-eastern States. Even within Assam, other insurgent groups such as the Kamatapur Liberation Organisation and the National Democratic Front of Bodoland, with their competitive extremist demands, are watching from the sidelines. In any case, the Government can ill afford to allow the issue of "sovereignty" — ULFA's theme song — to creep into the agenda for talks. Given the circumstances, formulating an agreed starting point, within the framework of the Constitution, can prove to be quite a delicate task. The Government clearly has the upper hand at this stage. ULFA, having lost much ground and legitimacy at the popular level, will be struggling to keep itself relevant.

As with other extremist movements that have built themselves on socio-economic and historical grievances, the preferred alternative must be talks. The hard question is: talks on whose terms? The burden is on ULFA to reciprocate the Government's gestures of goodwill and cease all acts of terror and violence. Further progress must be predicated on ULFA agreeing to a ceasefire. Meanwhile, the fact that Bangladesh remains the base of operations of ULFA's chairman, Arabinda Rajkhowa, and its commander-in-chief, Paresh Barua — despite India's demands for deportation — is a major irritant. Some people see an interesting analogous relationship between the FIFA World Cup tournament in progress and ULFA's present line of approach. Mr. Barua, after all, first made his mark on the football field; and playgrounds have been found in many ULFA camps the security forces dismantled in recent years. It will be hoped that ULFA will play the political game forcefully but within the rules, without being awarded any red cards. Its aim must be to win legitimacy for its reasonable demands and for itself as a player. The stakes at this sensitive stage are high for Assam and India.

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