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Accord between main Sri Lankan political parties has significance beyond talks with LTTE: Peiris

S. Dorairaj

The agreement between the two main Sri Lankan parties — the Sri Lanka Freedom Party and the United National Party — provides room for cautious optimism in the efforts to find a viable solution to the island's ethnic conflict, according toG.L. Peiris, former Minister for Justice and Constitutional Affairs and former Chief Negotiator of Peace. Excerpts from an interview withThe Hindu:

Peiris... we need a consensus at least on the fundamentals of the ethnic issue

The ruling Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) and the main Opposition United National Party (UNP) have evolved a Common National Agenda (C.N.A.) for the country. From where did the initiative come? Was it because of international pressure?

In Sri Lanka, for some time, there has been a strong feeling throughout the civilian society that we need a radical change in the political culture, that we have to get away from the culture of acrimony and bitterness, which over the decades has prevented the emergence of any practical solution to the country's burning problems including the ethnic issue.

I do not think international pressure was the reason for this kind of understanding. It was triggered off by a letter addressed by the President [Mahinda Rajapaksa] to the major Opposition party suggesting that time has come for an initiative of this nature. The UNP has also responded by expressing its willingness to nominate its team of representatives to discuss with the President. The way the agreement was worked out showed how intensive was the feeling in the country. People welcome it with deep satisfaction.

We derived some inspiration from what was successfully attempted by Nelson Mandela in South Africa in 1993, besides from studying closely the Common Minimum Programme of the United Progressive Alliance [in India] published in May 2004.

How do you think the agreement can be moved forward in the context of the proposed talks with the LTTE (Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam)?

I think the agreement between the two parties has significance transcending the talks with the LTTE. It has a far larger importance in my view. But there is a strong current of opinion in the country that there has to be a military response to terrorism. The UNP also accepts that position. The C.N.A. with regard to the ethnic issue includes the acceptance that it is the paramount duty of the State to protect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the country and that there has to be a military response to terrorism.

At the same time, the document goes on to say that the grievances of the minority communities should be addressed at the political level and in that sense the final solution has to be political in character.

Do you mean to say that there should be a consensus on the ethnic issue?

Yes, you need a consensus at least on the fundamentals of the issue. In the ``ferocious co-habitation war,'' as described by Anton Balasingham in his book, War and Peace, from December 2001 to April 2004, there was extreme tension between the President, who was leader of the People's Alliance and the Prime Minister, who was the leader of the UNP having a majority in Parliament.

And the Tigers were very conscious of the fact that given the high degree of tension, very little progress would actually be made with regard to peace process because whenever there appeared to be certain significant advance, it could be probably stratified for partisan political reasons.

So, the power play in Colombo, which was the product of the acrimony between the two political parties, debilitated the peace process to such an extent that any realistic progress was virtually impossible. Now that problem has been addressed.

You have the military advantage on the one hand. On the other hand, you have this political consensus. Do you think the Sri Lankan Government and polity will be talking from a position of strength?

That is how the Government has explained its policy with regard to the current military action and the proposed political initiatives. The President has consistently articulated the view that he does not believe that the war is going to provide the country with its final solution. However, there is a role for military activity, consistent with the inalienable obligations of the Sri Lankan State. But he has made it clear that what he wishes to do is to bring the LTTE back to the negotiating table after their strength has been eroded to some extent. He has repeatedly emphasised that the military action has been controlled, calibrated and constituted a response to the offensive action by the Tigers.

So, what is important in the articulation of their point of view is that the Government certainly does not regard war as a substitute for the peace process, as only through a process of negotiation that a durable and just solution to the problem can be arrived at.

What kind of role the JVP (Janata Vimukti Peramuna) will assume in the wake of the agreement between the SLFP and UNP?

The essential characteristic of the structure being evolved is that it is all-inclusive. No one is excluded unless they exclude themselves. The JVP has not yet made any categorical statement in this regard.

In my personal view, what the country requires is the coming together of all political parties. Differences of outlook or values are immaterial so long as there is an agreement on the policies which are applicable to the core areas. That has been done now. The divergences in the South African context in 1993 were a great deal more striking than the differences in the Sri Lankan situation today.

Different parties can go different ways and contest elections separately; that is by no means precluded. But to deal with a special situation, an unusual combination of circumstances, an impetus that is now needed to address these problems pragmatically. If that is to be achieved, then you cannot exclude any political party.

Honestly, I do not think there is anything in the core elements of the C.N.A., which is incompatible with the philosophy or outlook of any political party. You do not want one party to be substituted in opposition for another party. Then the purpose of this will not be achieved.

If the sea change is to fructify, then you would have to bring about an institutional mechanism that would enable participation by all the groups without a sense of alienation or exclusion. That is what the country needs today and in my view the chief merit of the proposed mechanism is that it provides them the required space and opportunity.

Will the agreement between the SLFP and UNP result in the formation of a national Government?

That is a probability. Because the whole point of the exercise is to enable different political parties to share executive responsibility on the basis of an agreed programme, which would be in essence a national Government. We have not reached that stage yet. All that we can say is the structure that was adopted by the plenary makes a national Government possible.

On the basis of the agreement reached on Thursday, is it possible to expect a representative of the Opposition in the committee that will meet the LTTEI cannot speculate on that as the matter is entirely in the hands of the Government, particularly the President. There is no application to earmark a position for any party with regard to any particular exercise. Those are matters which have to be left to the decision-making by the Government and the President. However, the whole point of the exercise is collaboration in all these areas. The form of collaboration, the areas would have to be discussed further but certainly the approach to all these national issues should be collegiate. There is likely to be much more exchange of views.

Will the new political development improve the investment climate in the island?

The Board of Investment of Sri Lanka had been doing quite well. But of course the reality of the situation is that to realise the country's full potential, you need to generate greater confidence. One of the ways of generating the confidence is to move towards a more tranquil environment. That again will be facilitated by the kind of consensus that was reflected in the agreement.

There have been charges that the Sri Lankan armed forces have been launching air strikes on the civilian areas claiming that they are LTTE hideoutsThere are controversies with regard to these incidents. The important principle should be that where there are excesses that warranted action, then these situations should have to be dealt with. But that does not mean the State renounces its legitimate means to deal with the terrorist problem. So, the issue has two dimensions — the terrorist element and the uncompromising political consideration. Both are elements of a comprehensive strategy. During the last few weeks, the focus has been on the military activity because the talks have been stalled. As the Government is conscious of that, considerable effort has been made for resumption of talks.

In the light of the latest development, there is room for cautious optimism. However, the situation has to be tackled with sensitivity and finesse.

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Accord between main Sri Lankan political parties has significance beyond talks with LTTE: Peiris

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