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A pact for peace in Sri Lanka

B. Muralidhar Reddy

It is up to the SLFP and the UNP to build on the spirit of their agreement.

THE NEW political pact signed between the ruling Sri Lanka Freedom Party and the Opposition United National Party has the potential to herald a new era of peace and development in the strife-torn island nation.

Such has been the nature of the feud between the SLFP, headed by President Mahinda Rajapaksa, and the UNP, led by the former Prime Minister, Ranil Wickremesinghe, for over five decades that many are still wondering if it is a dream. As an editorial in a daily noted, "It is a sense of some relief and some satisfaction rather than jubilation that the vast majority of people in this country welcome the signing of the MoU."

Of course, faithful translation of the intent into reality is a key factor and no one is underestimating the pitfalls ahead. As things stand, the agreement is valid for a period of two years, and there is a consensus that its sincere implementation could go a long way in addressing some of the serious political issues, primarily the long-standing ethnic problem.

What is the meaning and the significance of the agreement? The Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) outlines a common approach by the two parties on all major issues. These are the ethnic conflict in the north and the east (in the wake of the recent Supreme Court judgment); electoral reforms; good governance; and social development. Some ticklish questions such as the structures for implementing the pact and whether or not the UNP should be part of the Government are yet to be worked out.

The leaders of the two parties, President Mahinda Rajapaksa of the SLFP and the UNP's former Prime Minister, Ranil Wickremesinghe, together are a powerful combination. In last November's presidential election, Mr. Rajapaksa made it to the post with a difference of less than one and half per cent votes.

Why has Mr. Wickremesinghe chosen to team up with the SLFP? It is true that a section of the UNP, particularly its parliamentary wing, was getting restive in the Opposition. Mr. Wickremesinghe had nothing to gain by agreeing to sign the pact unless the SLFP was ready to make him the Prime Minister. The answer perhaps lies in Mr. Wickremesinghe's desire to save whatever is left of the "peace process."

As the architect of the Norway-facilitated 2002 Cease Fire Agreement (CFA) with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, Mr. Wickremesinghe is convinced that a political dialogue is the only way to settle the ethnic issue. The process faced the danger of a collapse with Mr. Rajapaksa, backed by the ultra-nationalist Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) and the Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU), at the helm of affairs.

It goes to the credit of Mr. Wickremesinghe for making the accord a reality and investing his faith in Mr. Rajapaksa despite blatant provocations by the SLFP. Just days before the accord was signed, the UNP-backed independent Colombo Mayor and his entire team crossed over to the SLFP. Now, Mr. Wickremesinghe and his group can provide the space for Mr. Rajapaksa to liberate himself from the "conservative-nationalist" policy framework, perhaps partly dictated by the JVP and the JHU. Mr. Rajapaksa's poll promises included a review of the CFA and the disengagement of Norway as the peace facilitator.

The timing of the accord is appropriate on other counts as well. It has come at a time when the LTTE has stepped up violence and JVP is busy mustering street support against the CFA as well as the Norwegian peace efforts. The MoU could come in handy for the Government team during the Geneva talks on October 28 and 29 with the Tigers.

The absence of a "southern consensus" on the ethnic issue has so far provided the LTTE with an alibi in its campaign against the Sri Lankan state. Now, the Government team can wave the MoU at the LTTE delegation as proof of the beginning of the process of a "southern consensus." It can also demand discussion on subjects such as "political plurality and human rights" in the territories under the Tigers' control.

The agreement on resolving the ethnic issue as part of the MoU, subject to fine tuning and ratification at various other levels, is a radical advance from the solutions so far offered by the Sri Lanka polity to accommodate the minorities' legitimate aspirations. The accord has identified six subjects, including defence and foreign affairs, as coming under the exclusive jurisdiction of the central government leaving the rest under the purview of "regional administrators."

The onus is clearly on the leadership of both the parties to build on the spirit of the agreement rather than fritter it away for short term gains.

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