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The challenge in Nepal

Against insurmountable odds, an interim Nepali legislature with the participation of the Maoists has finally come into being and taken charge of the country. It will be this legislature's responsibility to oversee the running of the interim government and the holding of elections for the all-important Constituent Assembly later this year. If all goes according to plan — and there is no reason to assume otherwise — the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) will join the interim government once the garrisoning and sequestering of Maoist combatants and their weapons under the supervision of the United Nations Mission for Nepal (UNMIN) has reached a certain stage of completion. Whichever way one looks at it, this is an achievement of tremendous significance. From the Maoist perspective, a party that had fewer than a dozen MPs in the post-1990 parliament is today very much on the political centrestage, on an equal footing with the Nepali Congress. The seven-party alliance can take satisfaction from the fact that it has managed, against the odds, to draw the Maoists into a political process from which it would be very difficult to break out again. Either way, a peaceful and civilised end to a decade-long civil war has been achieved. The people of Nepal have every reason to cheer and celebrate. India must express its wholehearted support for this process.

In a demonstration of their stated commitment to the empowerment of hitherto excluded sections of the population, the Maoists have given 40 per cent of their designated seats in the interim legislature to women. Dalits, Madhesis, and Janajatis also figure prominently in their ranks. Of course, the real test of every party's commitment to social inclusion will come at the time of elections to the Constituent Assembly. Half the candidates will be elected directly by first-past-the post and half through a nominated list system based on each party's proportional vote share. The more the assembly reflects the plurality of Nepali society, the better will be the outcome of its exertions. It is true that some provisions of the interim constitution have been criticised, especially those that vest virtually unlimited authority in the Prime Minister and potentially compromise the independence of the judiciary. One can only assume that the draft constitution that emerges from a more representative and deliberative process will overcome these infirmities and set a new standard in constitutionalism for the whole region. Settling the fate of the monarchy — a discredited institution — will be relatively easy. Working out a framework for the political and economic empowerment of ordinary Nepalis will be the real challenge.

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