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The sword and the olive branch

Peace stood at the gates of the Akal Takht on Tuesday, olive branch in hand. By rejecting an apology issued by the Sacha Sauda sect for any offence it might have caused, the five high priests of the Sikh faith severed the branch with their swords and slammed the door in the peace-maker's face. They have thus laid the foundations for a confrontation that could tear Punjab apart. According to the Akal Takht, which claims authority over the spiritual and temporal affairs of Sikhs, the Sacha Sauda apology was written "without feelings" and therefore "not acceptable in the eyes of the Guru." Therefore the high priests have decided to continue with their "agitation to uproot the Sacha Sauda sect" — an anti-constitutional project. Members of the sect, a majority of whom are Dalit, will continue to face religious and social sanctions that the clerics hope will persuade them "to return to the fold of Sikhism." While the priests have called on their followers to protest peacefully, violence is a real possibility.

Like their fundamentalist Hindu and Muslim counterparts, the five high priests represent a vision of religion that seeks to sharpen the boundaries between faiths. Much of the course of modern Sikh religious politics has revolved round efforts to impose clerical authority over popular identity. Neo-conservative clerics waged an energetic and ultimately successful battle to disenfranchise Sehajdhari Sikhs — those who do not observe one or all of the orthodox faith's outward manifestations — from elections to the Shiromani Gurdwara Prabandhak Committee. Thus large numbers of Sikh Dalits found themselves without a voice in the affairs of their religion. The Akal Takht abandoned the Bikrami calendar, which ensured that Sikh festival dates were identical to those of north Indian Hindus. Neo-conservative clerics have repeatedly used coercive tactics to intimidate emerging sects like that of Piara Singh Bhaniara and Ashutosh Maharaj, which have drawn Dalit support because they appear to challenge the theocratic fundamentalism of the clerics. In all this, one crucial point needs to be noted: the success of the neo-conservatives owes much to the state's support and connivance. While the Akal Takht has historically argued against governmental interference in religion, it has proved adroit in its use of the state apparatus to crush dissenters and apostates. Chief Minister Prakash Singh Badal has let it be known that he intends to be guided by the views of the Akal Takht. He needs to be firmly reminded instead that he is bound by the provisions of the Constitution, specifically Article 19 guaranteeing freedom of speech and Article 25 guaranteeing freedom of conscience and worship.

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