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Unity of purpose

The smoothness with which the Pakistan People’s Party, the Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz Sharif), and the Awami National Party went about forming a federal cabinet and distributing portfolios augurs well for the coherence of the coalition. Several factors work in favour of success. First, the three parties know that President Pervez Musharraf will not hesitate to exploit any serious fissure in their ranks. Since the presidency as an institution holds vast power, yet another constitutional coup must be guarded against. Secondly, the core of the 24-member cabinet is made up of seasoned politicians who remained loyal to their parties through the eight years of military dictatorship. After winning power through a democratic struggle, they are in no mood to provide retired general Musharraf an opportunity to strike back. Thirdly, being out of the government might actually help the top leaders of the PPP, PML(N), and ANP to see the larger picture, take an objective view, and give sound guidance on key institutional and policy issues and directions. Asif Zardari, while saying that he was not seeking a confrontation with the President, has shown exemplary firmness and far-sightedness in uniting with Nawaz Sharif and the ANP’s Afsyandar Wali on the core elements of a democratic platform.

Should President Musharraf turn out to be bloody-minded, refusing to accept the sea change that has occurred in Pakistan, a collision cannot be avoided. The Murree Declaration makes, among other things, a bold promise to restore the 60-plus deposed judges, including by implication Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry, to “the position as they were on November 2, 2007, within 30 days of the formation of the federal government through a parliamentary resolution.” The dictator resorted to this constitutionally outrageous action purely to save his skin, to ensure that the judiciary did not annul his dubious re-election as President. The parliamentary resolution, which might face a challenge in the existing Supreme Court, is likely to become a flashpoint in the face-off between the democratic forces and the dictator who might find the ground disintegrating under his feet. Until recently, he could look to the armed forces and the United States to bail him out of final disgrace. But assistance from these sources might no longer be available. The Chief of Army Staff, General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani, has given enough indication of being his own man: he recently distanced himself from the President by replacing two Corps Commanders. Washington also may be reassessing its blind support to the military dictator after the democratic parties showed unexpected vehemence in criticising its flagrantly interventionist policies.

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