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In Pakistan, dancing on broken glass

The appointment by President Pervez Musharraf of businessman and media tycoon Salman Taseer, who is his friend and a former Pakistan People’s Party parliamentarian, as Governor of Punjab set off howls of protest from the PPP’s chief coalition partner, the Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz), as well as from what some people arbitrarily call “civil society” and others term the “chattering classes.” The controversial appointment followed an ann ouncement by the PML(N) that its federal ministers were resigning because the members of the judiciary as they were in office pre-November 2, 2007 had not been restored by the May 12 deadline announced after the Murree Declaration.

More important than this deadline, though, was the fact that the PML(N) and the PPP had agreed that the members of the judiciary must be restored. This is a goal the two parties agree on, and it is significant for their continuing coalition arrangement. Their differences lie in the modalities. Nawaz Sharif wants a dramatic political gesture — an executive order that underscores his stated commitment to the cause. But Asif Ali Zardari, embittered by his own experiences at the hands of some of these judges, wants a constitutional package that strengthens the institution — as envisaged by the proposed 18th Constitution Amendment Bill.

The Murree Declaration itself was greeted with incredulity reminiscent of the amazement that followed an earlier pact between the PPP and the PML(N): the Charter of Democracy of May 14, 2006, signed in London by Benazir Bhutto and Mr. Sharif, envisaging a joint struggle to rid the country of military rule.

The second significant point for the coalition is that the two major parties realise the importance of ending the military’s interference in politics.

There are powerful forces at work playing up their differences and trying to drive a wedge between them. These include Western powers such as the United States and the United Kingdom that are more comfortable with their man Mr. Musharraf and the Pakistan Muslim League (Quaid), than the wild-card PML(N). Also ranged against the coalition are the Pakistani ‘establishment’ and their allies in the media where speculation is often presented as news. Together, these forces keep pushing the PPP towards the President and his ‘Q’ League.

Mr. Zardari appears to be merrily playing into their hands. He has let two deadlines lapse without restoring the judges while appointing non-elected persons to positions of power. And then he showed Mr. Sharif the proverbial stick with the appointment of Mr. Taseer: the President reportedly rejected the other nominees. The PML(N) had until now been riding high, feasting on carrots in the high-stakes Punjab province where it remains in the government as the senior coalition partner and has made thousands of transfers and postings. But the coalition remains intact as the PML(N) remains on the treasury benches rather than in the opposition in the National Assembly. The game of politics continues, with Mr. Zardari requesting the Prime Minister not to accept the resignations of federal ministers and asking Mr. Taseer to curb his anti-Nawaz rhetoric.

The third significant point about the coalition is that the PML(N) needs it as much as the PPP does.

Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani, reiterating that the deposed judges would be restored as soon as the modalities are worked out, described the Pakistani people as “mature, intelligent and patient,” who want “to give the government time.” He may well be right. But for most people, sky-rocketing prices represent the most pressing issue, and the description sounds like wishful thinking when it comes to ‘civil society’ and the lawyers.

Certainly, pressure must be maintained on the government to fulfil its promises. But grand rhetoric, dramatic gestures and street agitations will only endanger the coalition. This will make the PML(Q), as well as the foreign and domestic powers who want Mr. Zardari to join hands with Mr. Musharraf and the Q League, very happy.

In this situation, the announcement by the All Pakistan Democratic Movement of a national moot event on June 1 to strategise on the government’s ‘failure to restore the deposed judiciary’ appears provocative and premature. What is needed at this juncture is a little more patience. It is unrealistic to expect that a mess which was in the making for years will be satisfactorily resolved in a couple of months.

Had the PPP not agreed to a deadline, the PML(N) would not have joined the federal Cabinet to share its burden. The PML(N) may privately hope for mid-term polls, but it has commendably taken the public position of supporting the government, saying it should complete its tenure. After all, going along with the PPP’s pressure tactics has proved beneficial before, since Benazir Bhutto convinced Mr. Sharif to contest the elections instead of boycotting them.

Mr. Zardari has a tough act to follow. Thrown into the deep end by Benazir Bhutto’s murder, he does not have her experience, stature or statesmanship (her detractors maintain that she herself lacked the last two). He demonstrated flexibility and sagacity after her assassination, countering the slogans of ‘Pakistan na khapey’ and keeping the party together. He proved central in cobbling together a coalition government, countering the establishment’s machinations to divide the politicians and confounding critics who could not envisage a Sharif-Zardari alliance.

Persistent rumours about Mr. Zardari’s prime ministerial or presidential ambitions still remain unfounded. Perceptions that the National Reconciliation Ordinance provides a cover to corruption persist even in cases that have nothing to do with the NRO. In any case, with the PPP in power, the ordinance is irrelevant since the cases it waived were instituted by the government of the time.

In the current fraught political atmosphere, giving a bit of breathing space to the main coalition partners may have long-term benefits. It is worth recalling a plea that Mr. Zardari made to a group of journalists, lawyers, artists and writers visiting Naudero to condole with him soon after Benazir Bhutto’s assassination. “If we slip up and make mistakes, please be patient with us,” he said. “We are dancing on broken glass.”

(The writer is a freelance journalist and documentary filmmaker currently based in Karachi. Email: beena.sarwar@gmail.com )

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