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Opinion
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Editorials
While India’s foreign policy establishment might have erred or under-performed on several fronts, its efforts in respect of Afghanistan deserve commendation. From 1996 to 2001, the only part of the Taliban-ruled country that New Delhi could treat as friendly territory was the small pocket controlled by Ahmed Shah Massoud’s Northern Alliance. Seven years down the line, the relationship between the two countries is flourishing. It was a blessing in disguise that the United States-led coalition forces, which took on themselves the responsibility of fighting the Taliban insurgency, treated India as an outsider, to be kept at arm’s length. That helped New Delhi resist any temptation to get embroiled in the conflict — and instead focus its energies on the reconstruction effort. With the fresh tranche of $450 million promised by the Manmohan Singh government during President Hamid Karzai’s visit, the total aid is set to cross $1 billion. This money is spent on building dams, transmission lines, and roads. Aside from the assistance provided for the reconstruction of schools, India has awarded 1,000 scholarships to Afghan students every year over the past half-decade. The relationship has done well in less tangible ways as well. From all accounts, Hindi movies and soap operas constitute the primary source of entertainment for the people of Kabul and other cities and towns. In essence, Afghanistan is one arena in which India has been able to use ‘soft power’ successfully, to mutual benefit. There is, unfortunately, a downside. The Taliban, which is extremely hostile to India, retains a powerful presence on the ground. It is unlikely to recapture power so long as foreign forces remain in the country but it will continue to disrupt reconstruction efforts. The July 7 attack on the Indian Embassy in Kabul demonstrated that the insurgents can target Indian assets in different parts of Afghanistan on their own or at the instigation of interested parties. The information gathered by multiple intelligence agencies on the alleged involvement of Inter-Services Intelligence in the Afghan insurgency might not be conclusive. But there are several indications that Pakistan’s security establishment has refused to rework its Afghan strategy to suit changed circumstances. In its paranoia about the growing relationship between New Delhi and Kabul, it has often displayed hostility towards the Karzai government. This policy has been profoundly counter-productive. Among other things, it has alienated a section of the Pashtuns, a community that drifted into Pakistan’s orbit during the years of war against the Soviet Union.
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