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Why manifestos matter

Rather than be treated as exercises in political rhetoric, election manifestos deserve to be analysed and debated in the media, says Yogendra Yadav

There has been a growing ideological convergence that leaves voters with very little to choose from

The media treats the release of election manifestos as if they were a non-event. As if these documents were ritual exercises in political rhetoric and the promises contained in them nothing but irresponsible populism.

A reading of party manifestos will show that this impression is simply not true. They provide a better idea than the editorial pages of most national newspapers of the issues and problems that face the country. Yes, these are just documents, just words. Parties often pay lip service to some ideas and they make promises they never fulfill. But in politics who pays lip service to what is a pretty serious business.

The major national parties have clearly put in some effort and thought into their manifestos. Even the BSP, which does not put out an election manifesto on principle, has issued a detailed appeal that gives a sense of where the party stands on some significant issues. The BJP manifesto — after a decade the party, which relied on the NDA manifesto, has issued its own — is quite elaborate in its coverage of issues; however, its promises make one wonder if anyone seriously worried how they could be implemented. The Congress manifesto is a crisper version of its predecessor and the CPI(M)’s is a serious exercise in the application of political ideology to our times.

Elaborate consultations went into the making of these documents by the leading national parties. While regional parties like the Samajwadi Party and the Shiv Sena were not serious about making a formal political statement, smaller parties like the CPI(ML) took this exercise seriously. Many organisations have issued parallel manifestos such as the National Alliance for Peoples Movements and the Lok Rajniti Manch. Wada Na Todo Abhiyan, an unusual coalition of NGOs, issued an ‘All India Peoples Manifesto.’ Adi Dharma Samaj circulated a ‘Mahadalit Ghoshanapatra’. Activists prepared a charter of demands on NREGA and RTI and held jansunwai to pressurise political parties. There must be many more documents and events of these kinds. But the media, which has all the space for pre-budget consultations by the Finance Minister, seems to have no space for these.

This lack of attention has meant that there is little public debate on the substantive and sometimes far reaching proposals that different political parties have made. Almost all parties support the extension of NREGA. Both the BJP and the CPI(M) promise a constitutional amendment to ensure that any treaty with a foreign country requires parliamentary ratification. The Congress promises an Act to guarantee food security. The Congress and the CPI(M) support the formation of an Equal Opportunity Commission. The CPI makes a strong case for extending reservations to the private sector. The BJP has promised to bring back black money stashed in Swiss banks. The CPI(M) promises a ban on cross-ownership in the media. These are neither trivial promises nor populist measures. Can’t the media devote some of the space it gives to the mind-numbing slanging matches between politicians to such proposals instead?

While Varun Gandhi’s atrocious remarks and the BJP’s brazen defence got a lot of attention, we were not informed about a subtle but crucial shift in the party’s stance on minorities. The BJP’s manifesto acknowledges that Muslims are “underprivileged.” Instead of demanding the abolition of the new Ministry of Minorities Affairs, the BJP wants to “revitalise” it. The manifesto makes a special mention of Urdu promotion and instead of wanting to ban religious conversions, it wants to set up a consultation on this subject. This does not make BJP a non-communal party. Still, this is a small but significant sign that the BJP is developing a stake in the Muslim vote.

All, however, is not well with the manifestos. There has been a growing ideological convergence that leaves voters with very little to choose from. The convergence began with a political consensus within the BJP and the Congress about the new economic policies. Gradually all the major parties — including those on the Left, judging by the policies of their State governments — have come to accept the policies of liberalisation, privatisation and globalisation.

Election manifestos this year have extended this ideological convergence to new areas. Notwithstanding the political drama over the Indo-U.S. deal, the Congress and the BJP manifestos reveal only cosmetic differences on foreign policy: the Congress barely refers to the deal and the BJP refrains from naming the U.S. The only real dissent comes from the Communist parties. On national security, the Congress has moved closer to the BJP’s position. Formally, there is no dispute among political parties on reservations for disadvantaged communities. The convergence of major political parties on big policy questions may be music to the ears of many. This convergence does reduce surface political strife. But it also carries a great risk for democracy. As political parties come close to one another, some of the most salient issues of our time get erased from public consciousness. While the number of schools and enrolment figures of students receive a mention, the quality of teaching and curriculum of school education do not. Farmers’ suicide makes for an issue, but the underlying crisis of the agrarian sector is met by silence. Everyone loves to stand by social justice, but the state of doubly deprived communities such as backward Muslims, most backward OBCs and the Maha Dalits does not make the political agenda. Talking about police reforms is easy, but there is an ominous silence about Salwa Judum. Ideological convergence means the closure of real political debate.

[Yogendra Yadav is Senior Fellow at the CSDS and the Editor of Samayik Varta. Contact: yogendra.election@gmail.com]

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