Scourge of extremism
THE CRIMSON AGENDA — Maoist Protest and Terror: Ranjit Kumar Gupta; Pub. by Wordsmiths, N 11, Xavier Apartments, Saraswathi Vihar, Delhi-110034. Rs. 369.
CHARU MAZUMDAR occupies a central place in the history of Left extremism in the country. The movement itself was fuelled by the disenchantment of many radicals like him and Kanu Sanyal with classical Communism. They no doubt aligned themselves, out of great expectations, with the pro-Peking (as Beijing was known then) Communist Party of India (CPI -M), when the Communist Party of India split after the Chinese aggression in 1962.
Soon thereafter they found the Marxists too moderate in dealing with the "class enemies." Their strident dissent with the CPI (M) leadership led to their expulsion in 1968.
The success of Naxalbari in the Darjeeling District of West Bengal where a momentous peasant uprising took place in 1967 with guidance from Mazumdar and others was too heady not to be followed up.
Birth of the movement
The birth of the Communist Party Marxist-Leninist (CPML) in 1969 was logical and the violence that Naxalites — as Mazumdar and his ilk came to be known all over the country and beyond — unleashed thereafter to promote a cross between Marxism-Leninism and Maoism is part of history.
Mazumdar had a deceptively delicate physical frame and his battle with asthma required constant companionship with an oxygen cylinder and pethedine. This did not however deter him from a single-minded pursuit of his mission. But Naxalite operations were too rural-oriented, that their message had only a relatively modest impact on Kolkota and other urban centres.
By 1971, the movement apparently ran out of steam and Mazumdar died in 1972 without achieving all that he had aspired for. Since his death, the Maoist movement, that he conceived out of an utterly ideological passion and so ruthlessly led, has broken into numerous splinters.
If the Maoist Communist Centre (MCC) in Bihar and People's War (PW) in Andhra Pradesh and other states are forces to reckon with, they owe it to the initial example that Mazumdar had set, notwithstanding the strong perceptions that now separate them from the remarkable revolutionary.
All this comes out beautifully in Ranjit Kumar Gupta's interesting narration of the history of the Maoist movement in India as well as neighbouring Nepal.
Indomitable spirit
Gupta led the Kolkota Police in momentous times and had his own usual brush with authority. His strong views on how to deal with the kind of terrorism that the Naxalites indulged in frequently got him into trouble. He was also accused of being soft, if not actually conniving, with his policemen in their brutality against young CPML cadres. He weathered all these storms, and this indomitable spirit has enabled him now to put down the delightful account of the times, even if it is as late as when he is in his Eighties.
He writes at length of the stranglehold that the Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist (CPN-M) has gained over most parts of that strategically located Himalayan kingdom.
We in India cannot be complacent over this unfortunate turn of events in a neighbouring country, because there is more than a hint of Beijing's support to the movement.
More disturbing is the link that the CPN (M) has established with the MCC and the PW, two parties with considerable prowess on the ground in Bihar, Jharkhand, Chattisgarh, Andhra Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh.
Unchecked, this unholy nexus could endanger law and order in a region where peace is already fragile. There is information that the three groups have exchanged knowledge on guerrilla warfare and techniques of bomb manufacture.
Role of intelligence
The author, known for his practical wisdom, highlights the role of intelligence in combating the Maoist threat. His emphasis is on grassroots intelligence, which, "if collected early, is painless and effective." He rightly views this as "low-grade intelligence," something that can be collected at the lowest formation, namely, the police station.
This is a prescription that may sound utterly simple, perhaps too fundamental to take care of the sophistication of the modern terrorist, of the Al-Qaeda variety.
He does not confine himself to operational mechanics, as a typical policeman will normally do. He goes beyond to talk of the political strategy that Nepal needs to consider, if only it wants to eliminate the Maoist menace.
In his view, what that country requires is a democracy, a constitutional monarchy and the Panchayati Raj. What King Gyanendra contemplates for his country is however anybody's guess.
Age does not seem to have dimmed Gupta's power of analysis. He writes in a direct language that is most appealing and gives ample proof of his ability to convey facts of a complex situation in a lucid manner.
Those who want to understand the history as well as the current state of Communist extremism in the country would benefit from reading him.
R. K. RAGHAVAN
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