Politics of Partition
K. N. PANIKKAR
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A useful publication as an introduction to national movement and Muslim separatist politics
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PATHWAY TO
INDIA'S
PARTITION - 3
Volumes, Vol. 1:
The Foundations of
Muslim
Nationalism: Rs.
600; Vol.2: A
Nation within A
Nation: Rs. 800;
Vol.3: The March
to Pakistan: Rs.
1250. The above
books by Bimal
Prasad; Manohar
Publishers &
Distributors, 4753/
23, Ansari Road,
Daryaganj, New
Delhi-110002.
The partition of India leading to the formation of Pakistan in 1947 is undeniably the most decisive event of the 20th century, the memory of which continues to plague the politics of the subcontinent even now. The three key players involved in this traumatic event were: the Indian National Congress (INC), the Muslim League, and the British. The British were expected to play the role of an honest broker, facilitating the transfer of power of a country they had ruled for about 200 years. Many have argued that the failure of the British to discharge this responsibility rendered Partition inevitable.
Nationalism
The INC guided by Mahatma Gandhi was keen on preventing Partition; the Muslim League was adamant on realising its dream of an independent sovereign nation, even if it happened to be ‘moth eaten'; and the British sought to delay the inevitable by proposing solutions that had little chance of being accepted. From the federal scheme of the Government of India Act of 1935 through the offer of dominion status (1940), the Cripps Mission's proposals (1942) and the Cabinet Mission Plan (1945), they paved the way for Partition. The focus of this three-volume, well documented study is on Muslim politics and the “triumph” of religious nationalism it advocated. This massive work reflects Bimal Prasad's life-long engagement with the subject.
Prasad begins his story by tracing the historical foundations of Muslim nationalism, which in his view was not limited to any single factor, religious or political, but embedded in a variety of experiences. He says: “While the legacy from the past, the economic divide between Hindus and Muslims, and the ideological and emotional environment of the Muslim elite constituted its main foundations, it also drew strength from Hindu nationalism — and last, but not the least, British policy in dealing with the communal problem.” He is rightly critical of the romanticisation of the pre-colonial past as an idyllic period of inter-community relations. He is of the view that religious differences found social articulation from the medieval period itself. Otherwise, he argues, the medieval saints like Kabir, Nanak, and Dadu had no reason to preach toleration and reconciliation.
Two-nation theory
However, there may not be many takers for Prasad's opinion that Shivaji's success in mobilising support was a result of hatred for the Muslims and that it persisted till the 20th century. His argument is that mutual distrust, and even hatred, between the Hindus and Muslims came down from the medieval times and the religious politics that culminated in the creation of Pakistan drew upon these sentiments.
The second volume traces the transformation of ‘communitarian consciousness' into ‘national consciousness' among the Muslims — and this the author calls “the emergence of a nation within the nation.” Several events contributed to this transformation. The social and religious reforms within the communities made them inward-looking and led them to define their identity in religious-cultural terms. Out of such a perspective was born the two-nation theory, both among Hindus and Muslims.
In 1908, Syed Ali Imam, President of the Muslim League, referred to Muslims and Hindus as the ‘conquerors' and the ‘conquered' and asserted that, in spite of living together in the same country for centuries, they had continued to maintain their separate identities in respect of “nationalities, character and creed.” This was echoed by the Kheiri brothers, Abdul Jabbar, and Abdul Sattar, and given a concrete shape by Choudhry Rahmat Ali, a Punjabi Muslim student at Cambridge in 1933. Among Hindus, Lala Lajpat Rai and V.D. Savarkar, supported the two-nation theory, the former indirectly and the latter directly, in 1924. Thus it was the idea of a separate nation for Muslims struck roots.
The third volume traces the final phase marking the “triumph” of the politics of Partition, in which Muhammad Ali Jinnah, eager to realise his dream of an independent sovereign state for the Muslims, emerged not only as the “sole spokesman” of the Muslims but also as a powerful leader capable of influencing the future of the subcontinent. The author supports the popular view that Jinnah was the maker of Pakistan and, in the process, overlooks the importance of larger historical forces at play — as, for instance, the political opportunism of the colonial rulers and the devious methods of communalism. It is pertinent to ask whether Jinnah, by implication, served as an instrument of these forces.
The massive electoral support during 1942-46 emboldened him to take obdurate positions in negotiations. It was not the least surprising that the Cripp's Mission and the Cabinet Plan floundered and no solution could be found. Despite the opposition of Mahatma Gandhi and the experiment of an interim government, Partition could not be avoided. An era ended; the new one did not obliterate the bitterness and hostility generated by it.
Muslim politics
An outcome of painstaking research and meticulous study of a variety of sources — official, institutional, and private — over a long period, these empirically rich volumes qualify as standard books of reference on Muslim politics in the 20th century. Like any true scholar of substance, Prasad is very cautious in going beyond the construction of a historical narrative. Except in a few instances, like the Khilafat and the role of Jinnah, he leaves the reader to form his own judgment. Students and researchers on modern history would find the publication very useful as an introduction to the national movement, in general, and Muslim separatist politics ,in particular.
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