PEOPLE
Battle for existence
LUV PURI
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The Bakerwals of Jammu and Kashmir are trying to retain their ancient way of life while bridging the socio-economic gap with other communities.
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Photos: Luv Puri
Unique lifestyle: Bakerwals on their two-month trek to Drass.
“We should recognise and honour the tribal way of doing things, not because it is old and picturesque, but because it is theirs.”
Verrier Elwin
This was part of the famous Elwin-Nehru dialogue on striking a balance between development and retaining India’s unique cultural diversity. Today, the debate echoes through Jammu and Kashmir in a different way.
The nomadic Bakerwal community, accorded Schedule Tribe status by the Central Government in 1991, is fighting a battle to retain their ancient cultural heritage while simultaneously trying to bridge the socio-economic gap with other communities in the state.
I joined a group of Bakerwals for two days, as they moved towards their summer destination — Drass in Ladakh via Kashmir valley from Kosernag meadows on Pir Panjal range. From the Ranbir Singh Pura area on the plains of Indo-Pak International Border (where temperatures reach 47° C in summer), the Bakerwals travel more than 500 km to Drass, the second coldest inhabited area after the Russian Siberian desert. The two-month trek goes through seven districts of Jammu and Kashmir.
Test of endurance
For centuries, the clan of 71-year-old Chowdhary Attaullah go by this hilly route as they cross the majestic Pir Panjal and Zojila mountain ranges twice in a year. The trek is a test of endurance. A city dweller finds it difficult to cope with their speed and stamina. Summer having begun, most of the trekking is done in the early hours of the morning to avoid the heat.
The Bakerwals are Muslims, one of the rare Muslim tribal communities of India, but are culturally and ethnically closer to the North Indian Hindu nomadic communities than to other Muslim communities in the state. Noor Mohammad (48) says, “We have the same gotra (lineage) as the Hindus of our tribe in Rajasthan or Kutch.” They have various sub-castes like Khattana, Dedar, Chugtai, which are common particularly among Gujjars in Rajasthan. In J&K, the difference between the Gujjars and the Bakerwals is not ethnic, it is occupational. The name of the communities is based on their occupation — Bakerwals rear goats or Bakris in local parlance and Gujjars rear buffaloes.
Complex problems
As the Gujjars settled down and entered new professions, they have climbed up the social and economic ladder as compared to the Bakerwals, who have suffered due to militancy. This is only one among many factors responsible for their neglect as there is little understanding of their complex problems. “We are constantly told to settle down and leave our occupation so that we can improve our socio-economic condition. But we lack the skills to earn our living if we settle down. Rearing animals and selling products like meat and wool is our specialisation. Therefore we continue our tradition of seasonal movement. We have become used to it; it is our way of life and part of our culture. We rear our sheep in the best environs, so our meat is better than that sold in the sub-continental plains,” says Atiqua Bano.
Given the community’s unique lifestyle, the State Government tried to institutionalise their support structure by forming the Sheep and Animal Husbandry Department. There were some positive achievements like the import of superior rams from Australia and mating them with local sheep. Enthused by the profits, the Bakerwals termed the sheep safed sona (white gold). The State Government decided to spread the experiment to the remote parts of the State. This was nearly three decades back.
The Sheep and Animal Husbandry department also opened veterinary hospitals at various places along their migratory routes to provide subsidised medicines. However, these are not functional any more. “I have been travelling for the last three weeks and I am yet to get medicines for my sheep. Either the centre is closed or the staff says there are no medicines,” says Atallulah. In the absence of the state support, the community falls back on traditional methods. For instance, Atallulah cut the ears of a sick sheep so that its temperature would come down by losing blood.
Setting up mobile schools was yet another innovative idea introduced in the 1970s during Sheikh Abdullah’s tenure. A teacher, normally selected from the Bakerwal community, would travel along with the Bakerwals and teach their children. Now the concept is in tatters, as teachers are nowhere in sight partly due to militancy and also due to lack of bureaucratic support.
“We had a teacher but after 1997 he refused to accompany us. Even while he was there, he was not given the teaching kit by the educational department. Obviously he could not pay from his own pocket for our learning,” says 17-year-old Khurshid who studied in a mobile school till std. IV.
No political empowerment
Having been declared Schedule Tribe, the Bakerwals are entitled to benefits under the affirmative action policy. In Jammu and Kashmir, political empowerment still has to occur, as successive state governments have been silent on political reservation for the Schedule Tribes. J&K has its own constitution and its tribes form over 11 per cent of the State’s population as per Census 2001; this is more than the national average of 8.08 per cent.
The benefits for J&K tribals including Bakerwals are now limited to reservation in employment in the state services. But this has been cornered by the elite, mostly comprising city-based Gujjars. There is already a debate on excluding the elite from the benefits of the affirmative policy.
Shah Mohammad, a leader of Gujjar-Bakerwal United Front, says, “We strictly believe that the creamy layer should be eliminated. But our views can make a difference only when we are politically empowered.” Attempts by tribal leaders to introduce bills on political reservation in the legislative assembly have been struck down by the political elite.
Due to lack of political and economic empowerment, the community is still structured on tribal hierarchies leaving little scope for reform within. Bakerwal vote according to the dictates of community leaders. “Our tribal leaders have little say in their parties and can hardly influence the political discourse. Numerous pleas for improving the educational infrastructure and their livelihood have fallen on deaf ears. I wanted my son to study but his education ended after the mobile schools stopped functioning,” says Atiqua.
Victims of urbanisation
The Bakerwals are also victims of increasing urbanisation. What were earlier open fields are now concrete jungles limiting the space available for grazing in the winters. For instance, the land mafia is partly responsible in preventing tribals from using the land leased to them by Auquaf (a body that monitors the land of Muslims who migrated to Pakistan after 1947) every season for grazing. “We are becoming aliens in areas that we have inhabited for centuries, as the local elite dislikes our presence,” says Attaullah.
As he points out, the increasingly violent clashes between Bakerwals and the settled population is rarely noticed. For instance, in May, local residents of Kathua near the Punjab border alleged that the Bakerwals had encroached 300 kanal (one kanal equals 5400 sq.ft.) of state land. Based on their complaint, the police intervened and violence followed. The Bakerwals allege that the police forced them to vacate as the local politicians and people did not want them there.
The problems of the Bakerwals are a myriad mix of economic, social and political factors no different from that of other Indian tribes. But the situation is much worse here as compared to their Indian counterparts. Besides being left behind in the race for development, there is no one to listen to Bakerwals as they protest over their denial to live in their own way.
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