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Poles of recovery: from Dutt to Chaudhuri
Articulations of modernity and a secular identity of the middle-
class involve a trajectory of disowning and selectively
recovering its 'Indianness'. This struggle is also the paradigm
around which a substantial part of modern Indian literature and
culture are structured. Noted writer AMIT CHAUDHURI traces the
origins of such disquiets to the 19th-century Bengali poet.
Michael Madhusudan Dutt, in the first of a three-part essay.
WHEN I was an undergraduate at University College, London in the
early 1980s, cultivating a life of self-imposed loneliness, I
would be pursued, intermittently, by a man of indeterminate
nationality, who had, I thought, a Spanish accent. He could have
been from Latin America; when I asked him, once, where he came
from, he replied with a snort that put me in my place, "Let us
say... from one of the industrialised nations." His interest in
me wasn't amorous; his intention was, curiously - once he'd found
out I was from India - to ask me probing questions and humiliate
me in the way I've just mentioned. I think he was lonelier than I
was; bearded, overcoated, smelly, his face raw with a skin
disorder and his eyes framed by thick glasses, he had the air of
a once-brilliant graduate student whose project was going
nowhere. He lighted upon me on the steps of Senate House or the
Students Union Building, or on one of the roads outside. It was
in front of the Dillon's Bookshop that he asked me (he'd
obviously discovered I was a student of English, and that I had
ambitions as a writer, though I can't recall when I divulged this
information to him) a question that caused me some discomfort:
"Why don't you write in your own language?" I mumbled something
in reply; I hoped he'd go away. It's not that I didn't have a
reason: I, a Bengali, had grown up in Bombay, and, not having
been taught Bengali in school, didn't know it well enough to
write poetry or fiction in it. My literary models and aspirations
belonged to the English language; yet, secretly, I'd been
troubled by what my inquisitor implied: that you can't achieve
anything worthwhile in literature unless you write in your "own"
language.
It becomes easier to understand my particular disquiet, the
reasons for my being in England, standing outside Dillon's, and
my ambition to be a writer in the English language (although I
still showed no signs of writing anything but rather derivative
poems in it), if one looks back to Michael Madhusudan Dutt, the
19th-century Bengali poet, with whom, in India, such journeys and
disquiets largely begin. I, indeed, found myself reacquainting
myself with his life and, in a small way, his work, for the
purposes of an anthology I was editing. He was, of course,
already familiar to me as a mythological figure in my childhood.
Dutt was born in 1824 into a well-to-do middle-class family, and
in a Bengal where a native bourgeoisie and intelligentsia had
already come into being. Embedded in his life - and in the
genesis of modernity in Bengal and India - is another narrative,
to do with the secular, middle-class Indian self's struggle
between disowning and recovering its "Indianness", a struggle
that, as I was compiling material for the anthology, I discovered
was also the paradigm around which a substantial part of modern
Indian literature and culture was structured. Dutt studied at the
Bishop's College and the Hindu College in Calcutta, where, not
long before, the Anglo-Portuguese poet, Henry Louis Vivian
Derozio, had taught. The Hindu College was one of the first
colleges to be attended by, and instrumental in producing,
members of the native middle-class intelligentsia. By the time
Dutt had arrived there, the major articulations of modernity by
Indians, in the spheres of religious and social reform, were
already marked by the seemingly conflicting currents of disowning
and recovery. Raja Rammohun Roy had founded the reformist sect,
the Brahmo Samaj, in 1828; it constituted, after Roy's contact
with the culture and religion of the British coloniser (and owing
not a little to the Islamic culture of the past), a rejection, or
disowning, of the polytheistic, idolatrous aspects of Hinduism.
But instead of completing this act of disowning, and converting
to Christianity, Roy turned it into an act of recovery, by
turning back to the Upanishads, and making the monotheistic deity
in their passages the foundation for the transcendental
protestantism of the Brahmo Samaj. The arc of this process, from
distancing to recuperation, would become the definitive arc in
the construction of the secular, middle-class self in India.
In the late 1820s, again, a radical movement called Young Bengal
was formed, the subject of much satire and derision in its time,
whose Westernised members ostentatiously defied dietary and
religious taboos (by eating beef, for instance) while leading
lives at home that adhered, more or less, to conventional Hindu
and Victorian mores. For all its silliness, the radicalism of
Young Bengal can be seen to prefigure the more serious forms of
social reform (supporting, for instance, widow remarriage)
instituted by men like Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar, acts, thus, not
only of rejection, but of reparation. Moreover, the very
bourgeoisie of which Young Bengal was part would, increasingly,
be at the heart of recovering the tradition that, at other times,
it seemed intent on redefining or disowning.
The figure of Michael Madhusudan Dutt belongs to this context. In
his personal and creative life, we see, again, the related
impulses towards, on the one hand, the disowning of tradition,
and its recovery as a creative constituent of the secular self on
the other. Crucially, however, he translates the public acts of
disowning and recovery that, so far, marked the spheres of
religious and social reform, into the private sphere of art and
writing. Dutt began his creative endeavour by writing poetry in
the English language, and wrote a substantial work, "The Captive
Ladie"; his ambition was to be a canonical "English" poet. As
part of this programme, he sent a poem to Blackwood's magazine,
dedicated to William Wordsworth, but received no response. When
still a student, he converted to Christianity; this was his first
great act of disowning. Whether he converted in reaction to the
Hinduism he, like many of his generation, had come to feel
impatient with, or in his desire to become more completely
"English" (and thus further his career as an "English" poet), or
in defiance of his father, it is not known. At any rate, he
hardly seems to have led a conventional "Christian" life. If Dutt
disowned his father and his religion, his father, in turn,
disowned him, quite literally. The Freudian Oeidpal conflict
between father and son is not always a useful way of looking at
Indian culture, but in Dutt's life it would certainly seem to
play a part; it would appear modernity entered Bengali culture
and poetry, via Dutt, not by a slaying of the coloniser, but of
the father.
Later, in Madras, he married an Englishwoman, an indigo planter's
daughter, who bore him children. In 1855, he abandoned them, and
returned to Calcutta, taking, in the meanwhile, a Frenchwoman,
Henrietta, as his wife; they remained together for the rest of
their lives. He now started from scratch; took up a series of
jobs; wrote Bengali plays and translated two into English;
gradually abandoned, it would appear, his ambition to be a great
"English" poet.
Around the late 1850s, after the long process of disowning, began
the process of recovery, the reappropriation, by Dutt, of the
Bengali language and culture, culminating in his epic poem,
"Meghnad Badha Kabya", arguably the first major modern work by a
Bengali, and an Indian. Now, rejecting the language in which he
had invested his literary ambitions, he turned to his
mothertongue, not yet quite a respectable language as far as the
Bengali middle-class was concerned. Already, before embarking on
the epic, he had written the long Bengali poem, "Tilottama
Sambhava", which came out in 1860; in one of his vivid letters in
English, he had confessed to his friend Raj Narain in the same
year:
I am afraid you think my style hard, but, believe me, I never
study to be grandiloquent like the majority of the "barren
rascals" that write books in these days of literary excitement.
The words come unsought, floating in the stream of (I suppose I
must call it) Inspiration? Good Blank Verse should be sonorous
and the best writer of Blank Verse in English is the toughest of
poets - I mean old John Milton!
Although nationalism was still a few decades away from finding a
political programme and party, it had already, apparently,
become, for Dutt, part of an artistic programme; for he goes on:
"I began the poem ['Tilottama'] in a joke, and I see I have
actually done something that ought to give our national Poetry a
good lift..." By "national Poetry" he does not, of course, mean
British poetry, although India had been formally annexed by the
Crown in 1858. Yet, this nationalistic artistic programme is not
incompatible, for Dutt, with the figure of his idol, Milton (who,
for him, would increasingly become an avenue for recovering his
Bengaliness), nor with the prosody of English verse.
On 15th May, 1860, he wrote to the same friend in a long letter:
"I am going on with Meghnad by fits and starts. Perhaps the poem
will be finished by the end of the year." Then, in a few flippant
sentences, he delineates the nature of the recovery he is
undertaking:
I am glad you like the opening lines. I must tell you, my dear
fellow, that though, as a jolly Christian youth, I don't care a
pin's head for Hinduism, I love the grand mythology of our
ancestors. It is full of poetry. A fellow with an inventive head
can manufacture the most beautiful things out of it.
There is then an excited exclamation, as if he were a Columbus
who'd discovered a new world by accident: "What a vast field does
our country now present for literary enterprise! I wish to God, I
had time."
Dutt's comic but grandiose remarks about not caring "a pin's head
for Hinduism", but loving, all the same, "the grand mythology of
[his] ancestors" for its poetry contain a serious and, till then,
unexpressed truth. For Dutt speaks not so much as a "jolly
Christian youth" as a very early vehicle for the secular Indian
sensibility, to which the rejection of indigenous culture and
religion, relegating them to the realm of superstition and
irrationality, would be an important act on the one hand; as
would, on the other, its recovery of this very culture as a life-
giving, if problematic, part of itself. The gods and goddesses
would appear, henceforth, not as deities, as they would to a
devotee, but as actors upon the stage of a secular consciousness,
to which their meaning and power would no longer be hieratic or
orthodoxly religious, but nevertheless profound, if slightly
unfathomable. Dutt's remarks, and, indeed, the poem he was then
working on, records the relocation of the mythic - which, till
then, had been situated in the culture of a community - within
the half-truths and subconscious of a new, colonial bourgeoisie.
Dutt's comment that the "mythology of our ancestors" is "full of
Poetry" itself presages Gandhi's admission that he saw the
Bhagavad Gita less as a holy scripture than as a work of poetry.
Gandhi, the Tolstoy- and Ruskin-loving barrister, a product of
the petit bourgeoisie of colonial India, who reinvented himself
in mid-life as an atavistic sage in a loin cloth, was himself
marked intellectually by the tortuous negotiations of disowning
and recovery. Dutt's ambivalence towards his cultural tradition
points also to the Kashmiri Pandit, Nehru, whose mellifluous
formulation of a secular India concealed an uneasy, but
characteristic, tension between rejection and rehabilitation. In
The Discovery of India, Nehru points out, on the one hand, that
his "early approach to life's problems had been more or less
scientific, with something of the easy optimism of the science of
the nineteenth and early twentieth century... A kind of vague
humanism appealed to me." Religion, he says, was "closely
associated" for him "with superstitious practices and dogmatic
beliefs"; yet admits, a page later, to be "affected" by Hindu
metaphysics, by "the Karma theory of cause and effect"; and,
astonishingly, notes that "there appears to be some logic also in
the theory of incarnation."
Disowning and recovery are, indeed, inscribed into the very
composition of "Meghnad Badha Kabya": Dutt's rejection of English
in favour of Bengali for the purposes of writing his epic was
itself an immensely significant act of cultural recovery. They
are inscribed, too, into the subject matter, and Dutt's treatment
of it; the subject of Dutt's epic is an episode from the Hindu
epic, the Ramayana (which he'd heard from his mother as a child),
except that Dutt made the son of Ravana, the hero Rama's
traditional adversary, the tragic protagonist of his poem. Dutt
used the Miltonic inversion of "Paradise Lost", where Satan is a
contested but unforgettable protagonist, to make the transition
from the certainties of a religious epic, and religion itself, to
the ambivalences of a secular work, and the construction of a new
secular self as reader and writer, caught between the
simultaneous processes of disowning and recovery. "I hate Rama
and all his rabble," said Dutt in another of his letters,
speaking with the voice of a secular India that would find
imaginative sustenance in its epics and religious texts while
refusing to accept their orthodoxies; the secular, creative
imagination in India, since Dutt, has not infrequently trod upon
the thin line separating Art from heresy, culminating in the
perceived transgression of The Satanic Verses. One wonders what
the BJP would have made of Dutt's statement and his epic had he
been writing at this historical moment, rather than a hundred and
forty years ago.
In 1862, after his opus had been published, Dutt left for
England, registering at Gray's Inn to study law; he was joined
there, later, by his wife and children. Dutt's lonely arrival in
the land where he'd once wished to be recognised as an "English"
poet went unremarked; he was miserable, and soon short of funds.
He moved to Versailles; here, he concentrated his efforts to
introduce the sonnet (which itself had once travelled from Italy
to England) to Bengali literature, calling it the chaturdashpadi,
or the fourteen-line stanza.
The sonnet, used to express the sentiments of courtly love at its
inception, had lent itself to darker meditations and more
ambivalent sexual registers with Shakespeare; later, Wordsworth
occasionally used it to propagate subliminally revolutionary
messages. Yet the sonnet, even with Shakespeare, had always been
a self-reflexive literary form; its subject, from the outset, had
been itself. Dutt used the sonnet's self-reflexivity, and also
its ability to address the political, to play out, explicitly,
the drama of disowning and recovery, of exile and homecoming,
that had shaped both his life and his artistic choices. One of
his most celebrated sonnets is called "Bangabhasha" ("The Bengali
Language"); an earlier version of this poem is included, with a
different title, in a letter written in English in late 1860 in
Calcutta, and is probably his first attempt at the poem. Dutt
comments in the letter: "I want to introduce the sonnet into our
language and some mornings ago, made the following..." The poet
begins "Bangabhasha" with a complaint to his "mother", Bengal, of
the miseries of exile:
(my translation)
The trope of exile (not unknown to Bengali devotional verse) is a
prescient one: two years after the composition of the first
version of this sonnet, Dutt would depart for England. In the
ninth line, the addressee instructs her petitioner to return to
the treasures hidden in his mother's, or motherland's, womb.
The final couplet seals the issue; it records the poet's
obedience to this directive, his withdrawal from the destitution
of exile, and the discovery of those "treasures", of which the
principal one is his mother tongue: Happily I obeyed; in time I
found/ The riches of my mother-tongue, in the great web of
treasures. The simultaneously questioning and self-reflexive
dimensions of the Shakespearean sonnet (a form which Dutt did not
always use) serves him well here. To make a brief comparison: in
"Shall I compare thee to a summer's day?", Shakespeare, in the
first eight lines, praises the beloved's beauty while noting, and
querying, its transitoriness. The "turn", the "But" at the
opening of the ninth line, or third quatrain, introduces us to
the conviction that the poet's art, "where in eternal lines to
time thou growest", will preserve that mortal beauty from
extinction. The final couplet encapsulates and summarises this
argument; here, the sonnet self-reflexively praises its own, and
language's, power to preserve and renew. This Shakespearean
structure, and the psychological movement it embodies, is
employed, by Dutt, to dramatise the colonial, and post-colonial,
movement from spiritual and geographical exile to cultural
recovery. The general questions regarding exile and identity are
posed in the first eight lines. Exile, distancing, or cultural
disowning are represented implicitly by the probable location of
the sonnet's revision, Versailles (Dutt was to write most of his
sonnets in France); they are represented, generically, by the
sonnet itself, which too is an exile and wanderer across
cultures, although its incursion into the vernacular of a
colonial culture was, till then, unprecedented. At the ninth
line, the "turn", the Shakespearean "But", occurs as an
interjection from the goddess, and the process of cultural
recovery begins in the midst of exile; the "turn" of the sonnet
becomes a cultural and almost physical turning towards the mother
tongue and one's indigenous antecedents. The concluding couplet,
which completes the act of recovery by attesting to the poet's
discovery of his language in the "web of treasures", also
confirms, in effect, that the sonnet is now an indigenous form;
the self-reflexivity of the Shakespearean couplet is freighted,
in Dutt, with an added colonial self-consciousness.
As if taking the goddess's imperative to heart, Dutt returned to
India not long after. He did, though, take his exams at Gray's
Inn, and came back to Calcutta a qualified barrister. Spiritual
homecomings are all very well, especially when they lead to
artistic voyages rather than actual ones; but real homecomings
are a different matter. In Calcutta, Dutt practised, often
controversially, at the High Court, lived extravagantly and
beyond his means, and raced towards an untimely death. Both his
and his wife's health worsened, although there were brief periods
of convalescence. He died in 1874, at the age of 50, reportedly a
few hours after his wife Henrietta did. He is buried at the Park
Circus cemetery, one of his sonnets (addressed to a passer-by or
itinerant), which he'd composed as his own epitaph, engraved on a
plaque outside.
Editing the anthology of modern Indian writing, I found that the
paradoxes played out in Dutt's relatively short life, and the
trajectories and metaphors of exile and homecoming that define
it, are patterns that repeat themselves in subsequent narratives
of Indian modernity. Certainly, the lives of a substantial number
of the major Indian writers of the 20th Century, and,
significantly, the shape of their work, are structured around
these patterns.
(To be continued next week)
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